scholarly journals Cultivating Patriotism—A Pioneering Note on a Russian Dimension of Corporate Ethics Management

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Natalia N. Yashalova ◽  
Dmitry A. Ruban ◽  
Natalia A. Latushko

Corporate codes of conduct address various issues, some of which can be country-specific. A tentative analysis of the content of 42 codes of the leading Russian private companies implies that about a quarter of them consider patriotism, which generally matches the significant attention paid to this issue in Russian society. Of 10 companies with the biggest annual revenue, four (40%) consider patriotism in their codes. The main topics are pride in a company’s relevance to state development, initiatives, and interests, as well as care for the veterans of the World War II. The present study implies that patriotism can be an important dimension of corporate ethics management in some countries.

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald L. McCabe ◽  
Linda Klebe Trevino ◽  
Kenneth D. Butterfield

AbstractCodes of conduct are viewed here as a community's attempt to communicate its expectations and standards of ethical behavior. Many organizations are implementing codes, but empirical support for the relationship between such codes and employee conduct is lacking. We investigated the long term effects of a collegiate honor code experience as well as the effects of corporate ethics codes on unethical behavior in the workplace by surveying alumni from an honor code and a non-honor code college who now work in business. We found that self-reported unethical behavior was lower for respondents who work in an organization with a corporate code of conduct and was inversely associated with corporate code implementation strength and embeddedness. Self-reported unethical behavior was also influenced by the interaction of a collegiate honor code experience and corporate code implementation strength.


Author(s):  
Diana-Maria Tinjala ◽  
Lavinia Mirela Pantea ◽  
Buglea Alexandru

Abstract Profit-maximizing behavior or moral integrity? Can companies have both? Our study takes a look at 300 U.S. based companies listed on the New York Stock Exchange and NASDAQ, and their way of dealing with business ethics. The research undertaken focuses on the content analysis method, using the corporate Codes of conduct and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) reports. The study reveals the evolution of the corporate ethics policies and programs throughout the years 2010- 2014. We also take a look at the most frequent controversies concerning business integrity, by sectors of activity


Author(s):  
Natalia NAROCHNITSKAYA

The evolution of the historical consciousness of Russian society over two centuries shows its potential to play a destructive or a saving role in dramatic moments of history, when out the prime value of the national statehood continuum is challenged by outer or inner attacks. The Russian intelligentsia's maximalist “reception” of Marxism resulted into total nihilism and a zeal to sacrifice the statehood for the sake of world revolution. However, having started in 1917 with a radical overthrow of Russian history, the authorities reincorporated it into the Soviet doctrine on the eve of the World War II, which resurrected national feeling and unity and enabled victory in the mortal fight. New ideological but equally nihilistic maxims once again prevailed and lead inter alia to the second collapse of the state in 1991. Historical consciousness of contemporary society, especially of young generations, is particularly prone to rapid changes and alternative extremes in the era of information technologies, which confirms the crucial importance of historical education to maintain spiritual sovereignty and national conscience as its core.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-192
Author(s):  
Marco Sostero

Abstract As one component of cultural memory, museums have the potential to co-form the remembrance of an entire society. They try to minimise the experience deficiency of their visitors and help them further to know and understand history in an interesting and vivid way. The present paper will show how and to what extent important museums in Japan, Germany and Austria try to shape the historical consciousness of their visitors. With the Yūshūkan in Tōkyō, the Heiwa Kinen Shiryōkan in Hiroshima, the Deutsches Historisches Museum in Berlin and the Heeresgeschichtliches Museum in Vienna, four representative institutions will be taken as indicators of the national efforts to re-appraise the history of World War II. Analyses of the different exhibitions, together with an international comparison, will document the individual position of each museum as well as its political intention. In addition, legal and cultural backgrounds that can lead to a country-specific, ideologically biased museum-based depiction of World War II will also be taken into consideration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Viktoriya Sukovata

Abstract The two main issues that continue to be in the focus of hot public discussions in Russian society are the Great Patriotic War (the German–Soviet war of 1941–1945, as part of World War II) and the tragedy of Stalinism. While the Great Patriotic War was widely reflected in Soviet literature and cinema, the Stalinist issue was seldom represented in Soviet art. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was a period when Soviet and post-Soviet art contributed much to the debates on the Soviet past, and several significant anti-Stalinist films and literary works were created. Since the early 2000s, the cultural situation in Russian society has changed and nostalgia of the Soviet past has spread in the mass consciousness. The purpose of this research is to analyze how the Stalinist past is reconstructed in public memory in contemporary cinema narratives. We arrive at the conclusion that since the 2000s, public interest has drifted from images of war heroism to ordinary people’ lives under Stalin; the contemporary public interest is not the war heroes and famous victims of repressions, but the everydayness of ordinary Soviet citizens who tried to build their private lives, careers, friendships, and family relations under the conditions of pressure from the authorities, spreading fear in the society, shortage of goods, and loss of loved ones. We concentrate on several representative Russian TV serials, such as “Liquidation” (2007), “Maryina Roscha” (2012), and “Leningrad, 46” (2014–2015), because all of them are devoted to the first year of the Soviet peaceful life in different Soviet cities, such as Odessa, Moscow, and Leningrad.


2021 ◽  
pp. 251-266
Author(s):  
Charles Weiss

Post–World War II regimes for global problems are now dated and under stress. They need strengthening and updating. Controls are needed to prevent pandemics, limit climate change, and avoid nuclear war. New technologies require new norms and codes of conduct to guide expected behavior of governments, businesses, NGOs, and individuals. These must be developed against the background of the rise of authoritarian rivals. Russia seeks to undermine democratic powers by disinformation, China to surpass them via information and communications technology. This chapter proposes cross-culturally acceptable norms: respect for facts and evolving knowledge; cooperation; avoiding harm and minimizing risk; equity, sustainability, and participation; and accountability. Science and technology are ubiquitous in world affairs, linked to politics, economics, business, law, psychology, and culture. This synthesis deserves recognition as an academic discipline. The book ends on a fundamental ethical issue: what are people willing to do today to avoid future catastrophic damage?


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Evgenia Korunova

This article is devoted to the shaping of a new security doctrine in Sweden after World War II, its evolving from eventual neutrality to a deliberate avoidance of military-political alliances, meaning non-alliance politics. Later this concept was called “freedom from alliances in peacetime in order to maintain neutrality in the times of war”. The author of the article focuses on establishing of Sweden's non-alliance politics, which took place at the time of the antagonism gaining between the United States and the USSR in the late 1940s — early 1950s, describes the main difficulties that the Scandinavian state had to face during this period and ways to solve the problems, standing in the way of the realization of a new doctrine. In the article a significant attention is paid to Swedish politicians who played significant roles in the shaping and sustainable development of Swedish non-alliance politics in the second half of the 20th century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-63
Author(s):  
Daniel Stotland

The significance of World War II within the Russian historiography is unequivocal– but the impact of that great cataclysm on the Soviet state and Soviet society is frequently understated or overstated. The early 1940s brought massive losses to the upper echelons of the Communist Party, resulting in a rapid mobilization of the state, but these upheavals took place in a society that was already hamstrung by both the traditional scarcity of qualified professionals and the strain that Marxist-Leninist purism placed on an already strained education system. Long before the October Revolution, Russia was plagued with the enduring problem of scarcity of the qualified managerial cadres; after the Revolution, this problem was exacerbated by factional disputes between ideologues, who were primarily concerned with the ideological purity of the Soviet state, and pragmatists, who favoring a greater focus on vocational education. Caught between these two factions was the proto-middle class from which the professional stratum of Russian society was to be recruited. During the opening years of World War II, the demand for educated professionals rose, forcing compromises in their ideological purity. In the long term, the result was a gradual, piecemeal shift toward pragmatic compromise. In the short term, however, faced with a dilemma between under-staffed and under-indoctrinated, caught in a decision-making paradigm locked in by Marxism-Leninism, the Soviet matrix opted for personalized networks and regional cliques over the professional apparatus in its quest for short-term efficiency. Drawing on archival materials such as memoir literature, epistolary documentation and state reports from Moscow and provincial (particularly those of the Tver’ Oblast’) collections, this article examines the tensions that underpinned the conditions of the proto-middle class from throughout the 1940s, tracing the ideological constraints that structured the political landscape, the repeating cycles of essentially identical attempts at reform, and the ways in which the strain of the ideological/pragmatic conflict on Russian professionals was, and was not, resolved in the wake of World War II.


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