scholarly journals Israeli-Ness or Israeli-Less? How Israeli Women Artists from FSU Deal with the Place and Role of “Israeli-Ness” in the Era of Transnationalism

Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Yael Guilat

The Israeli art field has been negotiating with the definition of Israeli-ness since its beginnings and more even today, as “transnationalism” has become not only a lived daily experience among migrants or an ideological approach toward identity but also a challenge to the Zionist-Hebrew identity that is imposed on “repatriated” Jews. Young artists who reached Israel from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) as children in the 1990s not only retained their mother tongue but also developed a hyphenated first-generation immigrant identity and a transnational state of mind that have found artistic expression in projects and exhibitions in recent years, such as Odessa–Tel Aviv (2017), Dreamland Never Found (2017), Pravda (2018), and others. Nicolas Bourriaud’s botanical metaphor of the radicant, which insinuates successive or even “simultaneous en-rooting”, seems to be close to the 1.5-generation experience. Following the transnational perspective and the intersectional approach (the “inter” being of ethnicity, gender, and class), the article examines, among others, photographic works of three women artists: Angelika Sher (born 1969 in Vilnius, Lithuania), Vera Vladimirsky (born 1984 in Kharkiv, Ukraine), and Sarah Kaminker (born 1987 in Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine). All three reached Israel in the 1990s, attended Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem, and currently live and work in Tel Aviv or (in Kaminker’s case) Haifa. The Zionist-oriented Israeli-ness of the Israeli art field is questioned in their works. Regardless of the different and peculiar themes and approaches that characterize each of these artists, their oeuvres touch on the senses of radicantity, strangeness, and displacement and show that, in the globalization discourse and routine transnational moving around, anonymous, generic, or hybrid likenesses become characteristics of what is called “home,” “national identity,” or “promised land.” Therefore, it seems that under the influence of this young generation, the local field of art is moving toward a re-framing of its Israeli national identity.

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 281-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne L. Clunan

What determined Russia’s national interests and grand strategy in the first decade after the Cold War? This article uses aspirational constructivism, which combines social psychology with constructivism, to answer this question. Central to aspirational constructivism are the roles that the past self and in-groups, and their perceived effectiveness play in the selection of a national identity and the definition of national interests. This article explains why Russian political elites settled on a statist national identity that focused on retaining Russia’s historical status as a Western great power and hegemon in the former Soviet Union and in engaging the country in bounded status competition with the United States.


2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’ (1). The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’ (2). In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the CPSU nomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others (3).


2020 ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Людмила Ивановна Ярица

Рассматривается вопрос преподавания русского языка как иностранного в техническом вузе России. Актуальность темы обусловлена ростом числа иностранных студентов в российских вузах и необходимостью скорейшего овладения ими русским языком. Описаны особенности изучения русской научной лексики, терминологического аппарата технических дисциплин, в частности языка математики, иностранными студентами, обучающимися на подготовительном отделении Томского государственного архитектурно-строительного университета. Проведен лингвистический эксперимент, в ходе которого студентам был предложен диктант, изобилующий научной лексикой; описаны результаты, а также нарушения произношения и написания терминов, так как главную трудность представляет именно изучение лексики научного стиля речи. Выявлены и описаны, структурированы особенности отступлений от нормы, предложены варианты работы по реализации программы отработки навыков нормативного письма иностранными студентами. Достаточно трудным является определение границы слова, написание букв в конце слова, восприятие шипящих согласных, парных согласных по глухости/звонкости, мягкости/твердости; определение рода имен существительных (в большинстве языков народов бывшего Советского Союза нет категории рода). В связи с этим возникает необходимость тщательно продумывать типы упражнений в соответствии с потребностью учащихся и их последовательность. The issue of teaching Russian as a foreign language in a technical university in Russia is considered. The relevance is due both to the increase in the number of foreign students in Russian universities and the need for them to master the Russian language as soon as possible in order to continue their studies in Russian. The aim of the work is to describe the features of mastering Russian scientific vocabulary, the terminology of technical disciplines, in particular, the language of mathematics by foreign students studying at the preparatory department of the Tomsk State University of Architecture and Civil Engineering (Building). A linguistic experiment was carried out, when students were offered to write a dictation, replete with scientific vocabulary. The results, as well as violations of pronunciation and spelling of terms have been described, since the main difficulty is precisely the study of the vocabulary of the scientific style of speech. The peculiarities of deviations from the standard were also identified, structured, and described. Options for the implementation of the program for the development of normative writing skills by foreign students were proposed. Rather difficult is the definition of the word boundary, writing letters at the end of a word, the perception of hissing consonants, paired consonants (unvoiced – voiced), soft – hard; determination of the gender of a noun (in most languages of the former Soviet Union there is no category of gender). This requires the necessity of elaborate thinking over the exercise types and their sequence in accordance with students’ needs. This work continues a series of methodical publications, the main aim of which is improving the quality of foreign student education in technical universities of Russia.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’. The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’. In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the cpsunomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others.


Author(s):  
Jurate Morkuniene

The definition of social identity consists of two parts. First, it means protection against threats to the nation’s existence and well-being. Second, it means the search for measures and possibilities to achieve the goals of social development and improvement. Social identity implies the creation and preservation of conditions in which each citizen can develop as educated, creative and responsible persons. Today, especially for nations throughout the former Soviet Union, the chief danger to social identity lies in the adverse conditions of continued underdevelopment. It follows that for these nations, identity means first of all development. The essential condition for a small nation’s identity and survival is based on the people’s resolution to rely on themselves and to envision the potential for their own country. The modern strategy for ensuring social identity would essentially rely on the principle that every citizen is part of the national identity, i.e., its active agent. For this reason, of central importance is the creation of equal starting possibilities (equality of opportunities) for everyone.


Author(s):  
Roger D. Markwick

World War II has never ended for the citizens of the former Soviet Union. Nearly 27 million Soviet citizens died in the course of what Joseph Stalin declared to be the Great Patriotic War, half of the total 55 million victims of the world war. The enduring personal trauma and grief that engulfed those who survived, despite the Red Army's victory over fascism, was not matched by Stalin's state of mind, which preferred to forget the war. Not until the ousting of Nikita S. Khrushchev in October 1964 by Leonid Brezhnev was official memory of the war really resurrected. This article elaborates a thesis about the place of World War II in Soviet and post-Soviet collective memory by illuminating the sources of the myth of the Great Patriotic War and the mechanisms by which it has been sustained and even amplified. It discusses perestroika, patriotism without communism, the fate of the wartime Young Communist heroine Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, the battle for Victory Day, the return of ‘trophy’ art, the Hill of Prostrations, and Sovietism without socialism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Porzgen

The official Soviet narrative of the Second World War used the concept of heroism to imbue war commemoration with an obligation towards the state. Such a concept was designed to make subsequent generations feel inferior to their predecessors and obliged to give of their best. Today, the victory serves as the strongest connection between Soviet and modern Russian patriotism. The paper argues that the memory of the Siege of Leningrad (1941-1944) as treated in museums in St Petersburg today is an appropriation by present-day Russian propaganda of the Soviet narrative. Soviet memorial sites are developed to foster support for Russia rather than the former Soviet Union. While the use of the heroic paradigm continues, the definition of heroism has changed to include each and everybody who suffered during the Siege. With collective heroism as the leading image, a critical view of the historic events becomes all but impossible. The paper makes references to the alternative narratives of literature, memoirs and diaries to contrast the version of the Siege presented in the museum exhibitions.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-40
Author(s):  
Robert A. Lewis

The migration and settlement of Russians throughout the former Soviet Union in combination with rising nationalism have resulted in a set of conditions that will probably result in considerable national conflict. From an operational perspective, the subjective definition of a nation is the most useful. A nation is a self-defining community whose members claim a common ancestry and a common destiny. They also claim a common geographic origin, the national homeland, over which they claim an exclusive, proprietary right. In fact, nations seek to ensure their destiny by controlling the national homeland for the benefit of their nation, and by promoting the indigeneous nation to a dominant, preferential position. A primordial connection between nation and homeland—blood and soil—is claimed, which results in a geographic or spatial identity, imbued with great emotion as the sacred ancestral land. The national homeland is delimited and justified by either history, demography, or both. Although demographic dominance can generally be claimed by only one nation, the historical claim can be made by more than one, and frequently the demographic claim is reinforced by the historical argument. Most national and ethnic conflict is provoked by conflicting claims to the homeland or aliens residing in the national homeland. Thus, as a rule, the more ethnically homogeneous the homeland, the less the conflict among nations. Of course, this is not always the case. A major national goal is ethnic homogeneity in the national homeland, as various restrictive language, citizenship, and immigration laws demonstrate. Yet this aim will not be sought at the expense of control over ancestral territory.


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