The Preconditions of Social Identity of a Small State in Transition to Democracy

Author(s):  
Jurate Morkuniene

The definition of social identity consists of two parts. First, it means protection against threats to the nation’s existence and well-being. Second, it means the search for measures and possibilities to achieve the goals of social development and improvement. Social identity implies the creation and preservation of conditions in which each citizen can develop as educated, creative and responsible persons. Today, especially for nations throughout the former Soviet Union, the chief danger to social identity lies in the adverse conditions of continued underdevelopment. It follows that for these nations, identity means first of all development. The essential condition for a small nation’s identity and survival is based on the people’s resolution to rely on themselves and to envision the potential for their own country. The modern strategy for ensuring social identity would essentially rely on the principle that every citizen is part of the national identity, i.e., its active agent. For this reason, of central importance is the creation of equal starting possibilities (equality of opportunities) for everyone.

2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’ (1). The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’ (2). In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the CPSU nomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others (3).


2020 ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Людмила Ивановна Ярица

Рассматривается вопрос преподавания русского языка как иностранного в техническом вузе России. Актуальность темы обусловлена ростом числа иностранных студентов в российских вузах и необходимостью скорейшего овладения ими русским языком. Описаны особенности изучения русской научной лексики, терминологического аппарата технических дисциплин, в частности языка математики, иностранными студентами, обучающимися на подготовительном отделении Томского государственного архитектурно-строительного университета. Проведен лингвистический эксперимент, в ходе которого студентам был предложен диктант, изобилующий научной лексикой; описаны результаты, а также нарушения произношения и написания терминов, так как главную трудность представляет именно изучение лексики научного стиля речи. Выявлены и описаны, структурированы особенности отступлений от нормы, предложены варианты работы по реализации программы отработки навыков нормативного письма иностранными студентами. Достаточно трудным является определение границы слова, написание букв в конце слова, восприятие шипящих согласных, парных согласных по глухости/звонкости, мягкости/твердости; определение рода имен существительных (в большинстве языков народов бывшего Советского Союза нет категории рода). В связи с этим возникает необходимость тщательно продумывать типы упражнений в соответствии с потребностью учащихся и их последовательность. The issue of teaching Russian as a foreign language in a technical university in Russia is considered. The relevance is due both to the increase in the number of foreign students in Russian universities and the need for them to master the Russian language as soon as possible in order to continue their studies in Russian. The aim of the work is to describe the features of mastering Russian scientific vocabulary, the terminology of technical disciplines, in particular, the language of mathematics by foreign students studying at the preparatory department of the Tomsk State University of Architecture and Civil Engineering (Building). A linguistic experiment was carried out, when students were offered to write a dictation, replete with scientific vocabulary. The results, as well as violations of pronunciation and spelling of terms have been described, since the main difficulty is precisely the study of the vocabulary of the scientific style of speech. The peculiarities of deviations from the standard were also identified, structured, and described. Options for the implementation of the program for the development of normative writing skills by foreign students were proposed. Rather difficult is the definition of the word boundary, writing letters at the end of a word, the perception of hissing consonants, paired consonants (unvoiced – voiced), soft – hard; determination of the gender of a noun (in most languages of the former Soviet Union there is no category of gender). This requires the necessity of elaborate thinking over the exercise types and their sequence in accordance with students’ needs. This work continues a series of methodical publications, the main aim of which is improving the quality of foreign student education in technical universities of Russia.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’. The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’. In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the cpsunomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Porzgen

The official Soviet narrative of the Second World War used the concept of heroism to imbue war commemoration with an obligation towards the state. Such a concept was designed to make subsequent generations feel inferior to their predecessors and obliged to give of their best. Today, the victory serves as the strongest connection between Soviet and modern Russian patriotism. The paper argues that the memory of the Siege of Leningrad (1941-1944) as treated in museums in St Petersburg today is an appropriation by present-day Russian propaganda of the Soviet narrative. Soviet memorial sites are developed to foster support for Russia rather than the former Soviet Union. While the use of the heroic paradigm continues, the definition of heroism has changed to include each and everybody who suffered during the Siege. With collective heroism as the leading image, a critical view of the historic events becomes all but impossible. The paper makes references to the alternative narratives of literature, memoirs and diaries to contrast the version of the Siege presented in the museum exhibitions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Jokela ◽  
M Koukkula ◽  
E Lilja ◽  
R Klemetti ◽  
P Koponen

Abstract Background The increasing number of foreign-born women living in Finland has raised a need for more information about their sexual and reproductive health and need for services. This study explores the prevalence of births, induced abortions and miscarriages as well as the associated socioeconomic factors of foreign-born women. Methods This study used data collected in the Survey on Well-Being Among Foreign Born Population (FinMonik), conducted in 2018-2019. The random sample (n = 6 695) consisted of women aged 18 to 64 years and living in Finland. The participation rate among women was 56% (n = 3 746). The results were stratified according to country groups based on geographic region of origin: Middle East and Africa; Russia, former Soviet Union and Estonia; Asia; EU, North America, Latin America and others. The analyses were conducted with logistic regression adjusting for age. In the analyses, weights were used to reduce non-response bias. Results The proportion of women who had at least one birth in their lifetime varied from 67 to 80%. Those from the Middle East or Africa had the highest proportion of three or more births (41%). The proportion of women who had experienced induced abortion was highest among women from Russia, former Soviet Union and Estonia: 34% of these women had experienced at least one abortion while 20% had experienced at least two abortions. No difference in reported miscarriages was observed between the groups (20-27%). In all groups, married women (82%) and those with only basic education (82%) had more often at least one birth than unmarried women (61%) and those with higher education (70%). Compared to the other groups, lower educated Russian, former Soviet Union and Estonian women had more often experienced at least one induced abortion (44 %). Conclusions There are major differences in the prevalence of births and abortions among women from different regions and educational level. Key messages Challenges in sexual and reproductive health vary by region of origin. Low-threshold health services and health education are needed to guarantee better sexual and reproductive health for all women.


2014 ◽  
pp. 57-59
Author(s):  
Klara Agliullina Agliullina

The last decade of the 20th and the first 21st centuries in Russia is characterized by an encyclopedia boom. Encyclopedias of the regions (republics of Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, Chuvashia, Chelyabinsk, Saratov and another ones), large and small cities (Moscow, Chelyabinsk, Zlatoust), as well as encyclopedias of administrative districts, and rural settlements are published. The article describes the conditions and background for the compiling of encyclopedias of small territories.


1992 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Robin A. Remington

This analysis focuses on the dilemmas facing policymakers attempting the transition from one-party hegemonic systems to multiparty democracies in post-communist Europe. It investigates the hypothesis that the political conditions for building democracy and the economic conditions required for establishing market economies in these societies are at cross purposes. The author examines the role of the international political economy in the process of democratization in terms of a framework of three primary variables: identity, legitimacy, and security. In applying these variables to post-communist East Central Europe, five significant arenas emerge in which political and economic imperatives come into conflict. The analysis concludes with policy implications for Western decision-makers whose own future security needs and economic well-being are tied to successful transition from communism to viable democracy in East Central Europe and the former Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Е.П. Яковлева

В статье, основанной на материалах многолетних исследований автора, рассматриваются два произведения Николая Константиновича Рериха из собрания Приморской государственной картинной галереи. Внимание заостряется на причастности пейзажа «Туман» (1907) к серии «Финляндских этюдов» художника, а этюда «Дорожка» (1908) — к известной петербургской коллекции, в 1910-е годы принадлежавшей А.В. и Е.Л. Румановым. В настоящее время коллекция Румановых рассеяна по двадцати пяти государственным музеям бывшего Советского Союза. Больше всего произведений входит в собрание Русского музея. В Приморской картинной галерее хранится всего одна работа — этюд Рериха «Дорожка», и по ней довольно сложно судить о масштабе коллекции Румановых и месте данного этюда в числе других работ художника, входивших в ее состав. Уточнение истории создания и бытования обоих пейзажей Н.К. Рериха из собрания Приморской картинной галереи имеет важное значение для их изучения и научной каталогизации, а также для просветительской деятельности галереи. The article, based on the materials of the author's long-term research, examines two works by Nicholas Konstantinovich Roerich from the collection of the Primorye State Art Gallery. Attention is focused on the involvement of the landscape “Fog” (1907) in the series of “Finnish sketches” by the artist, and the sketch “Path” (1908) — in the famous St. Petersburg collection, in the 1910s owned by A.V. and E.L. Rumanov. Currently, the Rumanov collection is scattered across twenty-five state museums of the former Soviet Union. Most of the works are included in the collection of the Russian Museum. The Primorye Art Gallery has only one work — Roerich's sketch “The Path”, and it is quite difficult to judge the scale of the Rumanov collection and the place of this sketch among other works of the artist that were part of it. Clarification of the history of the creation and existence of both landscapes by N.K. Roerich from the collection of the Primorye Art Gallery is important for their study and scientific cataloging, as well as for the educational activities of the gallery.


Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer

The development of LGBT movements and interest groups in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union reflects the region’s unique political development with respect to the experience of communism, the transition to democracy in the 1990s, the expanding influence of international institutions like the European Union (EU), and, most recently, trends of democratic backsliding and even reversion to outright authoritarian rule in some countries. Each of these aspects of the region’s political development has engendered debate among scholars and activists. There is consensus that the experience of communism strongly circumscribed not only the possibilities for activism but also, in some instances, even the possibilities for articulating LGBT identities. Nevertheless, a survey of the scholarship on postcommunist LGBT politics indicates divergent trajectories between countries of the former Soviet Union, where LGBT identities are less established and activism is less organized, and the former satellite states of Eastern Europe, whose experience under communism was shorter and, arguably, less intense. Without ignoring the evident deficits of Eastern Europe’s LGBT activism in the 1990s, its LGBT people benefited relative to counterparts in the former Soviet Union from a generally more successful transition to democracy and a greater degree of exposure to West European institutions, in particular the EU. The process of applying for EU membership, many scholars argue, advantaged these countries’ LGBT movements vis-à-vis their counterparts in the former Soviet Union by pressuring national governments to be more accommodating and by socializing elites and publics to Western Europe’s comparatively tolerant values and LGBT rights norms. Adjusting to these norms was sometimes contentious, but several scholars argue that, where conservative backlash against LGBT rights occurred during the EU’s first round of expansion in 2004 to 2007, it generally helped domestic activism by increasing its visibility and level of organization. Not all are so optimistic about the EU’s impact on LGBT activism, however, particularly those studying Yugoslavia’s successor states, for whom the EU accession process occurred later or is still ongoing. These scholars emphasize the difficulties of squaring EU norms about LGBT rights with national identity, particularly given the EU’s sometimes colonial-like relations with postcommunist societies. Others note that transnational rights advocacy supported by the EU has been matched by the rise of transnational antigay activism, and that the clash of transnational activism stalemates domestic progress on LGBT-friendly policies. Such critiques appear increasingly relevant as trends of democratic backsliding have emerged since the 2010 world financial crisis in former “success cases” of postcommunist transition and EU integration, notably Hungary and Poland. The latter’s democratic backsliding occurs within the larger context of Russia’s reversion to authoritarianism after the brief political opening of the 1990s. Across these three countries, governing elites have shown a readiness to make use of LGBT issues to define their illiberal ideologies and to mobilize voters. Whether these developments portend a narrowing of differences among LGBT movements in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is a key question for future scholars.


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