scholarly journals Not Affected the Same Way: Gendered Outcomes for Commons and Resilience Grabbing by Large-Scale Forest Investors in Tanzania

Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Désirée Gmür

The topic of large-scale land acquisition (LSLA) has attracted wide interest in the literature and the media. However, there is little work on the gendered institutional changes and gendered impacts on common pool resources (CPR) due to LSLA. The aim of this paper is to address these impacts. This is done by discussing data from participatory research (using the methods of participatory observation, semi-structured and narrative interviews, biographies, focus group discussions, value chain analysis, and household questionnaires) on a forestry plantation operated by the British investor, the New Forests Company (NFC) in the Kilolo district, in the Iringa region. The institutional arrangements regarding different land-related common pool resources from pre-colonial times until the arrival of this investment will be shown. Furthermore, how these arrangements have changed over time and since the LSLA is presented. Then, the effects on men’s and women’s access to CPR and, thus, the impacts on their capacities to perform their reproductive work and resilience will be addressed. Furthermore, the paper focuses on how different stakeholders in the land deal (the investor, the government, different local people) make use of these different institutions to push through their own interests regarding the land. Finally, the paper looks at collective compensation payments (such as monetary compensation and jobs) and forms of corporate social responsibility (CSR) schemes, and how they are perceived emically. It is argued that the LSLA in this case clearly grabs land and land-related common pool resources that were previously held in common. Women, such as daughters, sisters, and wives, had specific access and property rights to these. Thus, the paper concludes that this grabbing lowers women’s resilience and deprives them of important resources for their livelihoods, and for food and cash production at critical times. CSR programmes and compensation rarely reach women and are, for them, an anti-politics machine, hiding the grabbing processes, and impacting the poorest of the poor, while the company uses a development discourse to legitimise its activities. In fact, the people perceive the investment as trapping them in underdevelopment.

2019 ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Giger ◽  
Kerstin Nolte ◽  
Ward Anseeuw ◽  
Thomas Breu ◽  
Wytske Chamberlain ◽  
...  

Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryser

The Moroccan Agency for Sustainable Energy (MASEN) established one of the largest solar energy projects in the world through a public–private partnership. It is on communal land previously owned by a Moroccan Amazigh (Berber) clan in the Ghessate rural council area, 10 km away from Ouarzazate. The land for the energy project comprises a surface area of more than 3000 hectares. This large-scale land acquisition has led to the loss of access to common-pool resources (land, water, and plants), which were formerly managed by local common property institutions, due to its enclosure, and the areas themselves. This paper outlines how the framing of the low value of land by national elites, the state administration, MASEN, and the subsequent discourses of development, act as an anti-politics machine to hide the loss of land and land-related common-pool resources, and thus an attack on resilience—we call it in our scientific discipline a process of ‘resilience grabbing’, especially for women. As a form of compensation for the land losses, economic livelihood initiatives have been introduced for local people based on the funds from the sale of the land and revenue from the solar energy project Noor Ouarzazate. The loss of land representing the ‘old’ commons is—in the official discourse—legitimated by what the government and the parastatal company call the development-related ‘fruits of growth’, and should serve as ‘new forms of commons’ to the local communities. The investment therefore acts as a catalyst through which natural resources (land, water, and plants) are institutionally transformed into new monetary resources that local actors are said to be able to access, under specific conditions, to sustain their livelihood. There are, however, pertinent questions of access (i.e., inclusion and exclusion), regulation, and equality of opportunities for meeting the different livelihood conditions previously supported by the ‘old’ commons.


Author(s):  
Yolanda MTN Apituley ◽  
Dionisius Bawole ◽  
Imelda KE Savitri ◽  
Friesland Tuapettel

This research was taken in Ambon (Latuhalat and Laha) and in Central Maluku Regency (Waai) in May – July 2018. It was aimed at mapping the value chain of small pelagic fish in Ambon through: 1) mapping of product, financial and information flows and 2). analysis of percentage distribution of small pelagic fish caught. The data used in this study was primary and secondary data, and analyzed by using value chain analysis. The results show that small pelagic fish marketing chain in Ambon consisted of six models with five actors. Each chain is formed due to the conditions and situation of market, resulted by the influencing of catches of fishermen and traders' capital. The broker plays an important role in marketing small pelagic fish in the market and obtaining 10% of the fishermen's catch that can be distributed, both to retailers and cold storage. Fish caught by the fishermen is still fresh in general when arrives in the consumers, because the fishing area is not too far, the market distance with the production centers is also quite close and in general fishermen and traders have understood the importance of maintaining product quality. Even so, the role of the Government in providing marketing facilities and infrastructure is needed so that modern market conditions can be applied in marketing fresh fish in Ambon.


1954 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Annette Rosenstiel

In its program for underdeveloped areas, the United Nations faces on a large scale the need to effect concrete adaptations of the habits of indigenous peoples to modern knowledge and technology. Research to determine the best methods of procedure has disclosed that, in certain areas, previous attempts on the part of administrators to introduce innovations and make changes which could not be integrated into the cultural pattern of the indigenous people proved unsatisfactory to them and costly to the government concerned. In most cases, changes in diet, crops and habits of work—let alone the introduction of industrial disciplines—may not be pressed down like a cookie-cutter on a going society. The administration of change often proves a disconcertingly stubborn affair, exasperating both to the administrator and to the people whom he seeks to catch up into the ways of "progress."


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Author(s):  
Tripti Tripathi ◽  
Manoj Kumar Dash

This chapter focuses on the need, requirements, implementation, challenges, and impact of the goods and services tax on the Indian economic scenario. The major stakeholders in the process are the Government of India (GOI), the individual states, the industry, the businesses, and the biggest tax reform since independence of India in 1947. Often considered as overdue, it seeks to remove the various shortcomings and the loopholes in the existing system of indirect taxation in the country. The GST bill saw more than a decade of political and economic upheaval in the country. Subsequently, it became an act on 8th September 2016. The various strategic analysis approach (SAA) of the GST mechanism (e.g., SWOT analysis, value chain analysis, PEST analysis, and SAP-LAP analysis) give an in-depth account of the various issues and potential challenges in the implementation of the GST.


Author(s):  
Victor Olusegun Babatunde

This chapter focused on the national strike organized by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) at the dawn of the year 2012 to protest the removal of petroleum subsidy in Nigeria and it explored its implications for development communication. By using documentary research method, the study reviewed relevant literature and discussed the findings. In line with the theoretical framework on which the study is anchored, it observed that the media are powerful medium for carrying development messages to the grassroots. Besides, it also performs watchdog function so as to make the government responsible to the people and allow them to participate actively in the development processes. Therefore, the chapter recommends that government at all levels in Nigeria should ensure adequate participation of the people in the initiation, planning and execution of development projects and policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 126s-126s
Author(s):  
A. Linda Awebwa

Background and context: Traditional and new media are powerful platforms for shaping public agendas and promoting stakeholder action. The main stream media is a key mode of sharing information that directly reaches different stakeholders in the country. Media needs to be kept abreast of the developments especially in relation to the cancer world. Regular interface between media practitioners, cancer control advocates and champions facilitates building of synergies and momentum to push for the implementation. Additionally journalists need skills and information tools reinforcement particularly in the area of cancer control which is a relatively new subject in the development discourse. Aim: Equip journalists from the national as well as regional media houses with information on the provisions of cancer control and the rationale behind the provisions. Strategy/Tactics: Cancer control: building alliances and networks in the media for cancer support and control, through activities such as monthly media dialogues and engagement. Program/Policy process: There was a survey done at the start of the project. It enabled us understand the level of knowledge that the media had on the issue of cancer and cancer control. It also helped us know how far the media could reach in lines of cancer control. These enabled us know what is needed for us to fully use the media in this cancer fight. Outcomes: We reached more than 1000 journalists from over 100 media houses spread across the country. And through these media houses we have reached over 2,500,000 people who are part of the audience of the media houses. We have more than 30 in-depth stories in the broadcast and print media. We have offered fellowships to more than 15 journalists, held one-on-one meetings with more than 30 producers, editors and other managers. We have conducted more than 50 media dialogues and generated a database of over 1000 individuals in our tobacco control outreach efforts. What was learned: There is more need for media engagement and education. Media is one of the outlets where cancer information can be shared and you are sure that even the people at the grassroot are able to get the information.


Author(s):  
Gde Pradnyana

<p>Indonesia has the potential vulnerability enormous energy availability. From the supply side, Indonesia has not showed the synergy between the depletion of oil and gas on a large scale with the search for new sources of its reserves. Searching new reserves abroad also yet to show tangible results and not get full supported from the government. Meanwhile, shares of oil and gas is still a very big role in the national energy mix of Indonesia up to 25 years to come. The government also has not succeeded in converting the results of oil and gas into industrial assets. Prioritizing local-content policy produces only rents of business that would increase the cost of production and distribution of oil and gas to the people.</p>


Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.


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