scholarly journals The Covenants of the Prophet and the Problems of Transmission: An Analysis of a Manuscript Copied by Fāris al-Shidyāq

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 751
Author(s):  
John Andrew Morrow

This study examines a covenant of the Prophet, namely, a treaty, patent of protection or charter of privileges, that was copied by Fāris al-Shidyāq at some time before the middle of the nineteenth century. It provides a biographical sketch of the copyist. It reproduces the Arabic original as found in Majmū‘ fawā’id along with an English translation. This is followed by a commentary on the covenant and a series of conclusions, namely, that the “Shidyāq Covenant” from 1857 is a copy of the “Rylands Covenant,” which appears to be an Ottoman-issued document dating from the sixteenth or seventeenth century. This “Shidyāq/Rylands Covenant” could represent the missing link between the “Covenant of the Prophet Muḥammad with the Christians of Najrān,” found in the Chronicle of Seert, and the “Covenant of the Prophet Muḥammad with the Christians of the World,” namely, the Testamentum et Pactiones made famous by Gabriel Sionita in 1630. The significance of this study resides in the fact that it shares a previously unpublished and unstudied covenant of the Prophet Muḥammad, in both Arabic and English, with the scholarly community, while exploring the problems posed by transmission. The more covenants that are rediscovered, the better we will understand their origin, diffusion, and relationship, allowing us to better assess their authenticity. What is more, if these documents are accepted by Muslims as authentic, either in word or in spirit, they can help counter and prevent radicalization, promote moderation, and help protect minorities.

Author(s):  
Peter Rowley-Conwy

On 9 January 1843, Richard Griffith addressed the Royal Irish Academy (RIA) about some antiquities found in the River Shannon. The river was being dredged to render it navigable, and the artefacts were discovered during the deepening of the old ford at Keelogue. Griffith was the chairman of the Commissioners carrying out the work, and his expertise was in engineering rather than ancient history. He stated that the finds came from a layer of gravel; in its upper part were many bronze swords and spears, while a foot lower were numerous stone axes. Due to the rapidity of the river’s flow there was very little aggradation, so despite the small gap the bronze objects were substantially later than the stone ones. The river formed the border between the ancient kingdoms of Connaught and Leinster. The objects had apparently been lost in two battles for the ford that had taken place at widely differing dates; stressing that he was no expert himself, Mr Griffith wondered whether ancient Irish history might contain records of battles at this spot (Griffith 1844). This was probably the earliest non-funerary stratigraphic support for the Three Age System ever published, but it did not signal the acceptance of the Three Age System. Just as telling as Griffith’s stratigraphic observation was his immediate recourse to ancient history for an explanation; for, as we shall see, ancient history provided the dominant framework for the ancient Irish past until the end of the nineteenth century. The Irish had far more early manuscript sources than the Scots or the English, although wars and invasions had reduced them; the Welsh scholar Edward Lhwyd wrote from Sligo on 12 March 1700 to his colleague Henry Rowlands that ‘the Irish have many more ancient manuscripts than we in Wales; but since the late revolutions they are much lessened. I now and then pick up some very old parchment manuscripts; but they are hard to come by, and they that do anything understand them, value them as their lives’ (in Rowlands 1766: 315). In the seventeenth century various Irish scholars brought together the historical accounts available to them. Geoffrey Keating (Seathrú n Céitinn, in Irish) wrote the influential Foras Feasa ar Éirinn or ‘History of Ireland’ in c.1634, and an English translation was printed in 1723 (Waddell 2005).


Author(s):  
Clive Emsley

This chapter looks at other parts of the world that were mainly absorbed into European empires and what this meant for their experience of policing. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century colonists tended to see native peoples as primitive and without any of their own ‘civilized’ ideas and institutions like police. As a result, and where possible, they increasingly re-created versions of the police in their homelands when they arrived in the virgin lands which they intended either to exploit or to make their new homes. A re-creation of the police deployed in the metropole was claimed to be something towards which the empires were moving, especially during the nineteenth century. It was assumed to be another aspect of the white Europeans’ civilizing process. Yet a police similar to that at home was most often to be found in the colonial towns and cities where white men made the city their own and were seen as requiring the same kind of police protection and order maintenance. The indigenous peoples, especially those living nomadic lifestyles, were thought to require something different, and, while some of the white men deployed to deal with them might be called ‘police’, their organization and behaviour were often far away from Europeans’ behaviour in their lands of origin.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-109
Author(s):  
Sholeh A. Quinn

How Muslims in past centuries dreamed about, attempted to actualize, andconceived the apocalyptic and messianic events of the End Times cannot beignored in any comprehensive approach to the study of Islam. This volumeconsists of an English translation of one important source that contributes toour understanding of nineteenth-century Islamic messianic movements:Mirza Habib Allah Afnan’s (1875-1971) history of the Babi and Baha’i religionsin Shiraz. Born in Shiraz, Afnan grew up in the home of SayyidMuhammad `Ali Shirazi, “The Bab,” (1819-50) and was raised by his widow,Khadijah Begum.The Bab was born into a Shi’i Muslim merchant family during the earlyQajar period, a time when many of his contemporaries expected the nearadvent of messianic and apocalyptic events. Among the groups so inclinedwere the “Shaykhis,” devotees of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Zayn al-Din al-Ahsa’i(d. 1826). The Bab was initially a Shaykhi and a follower of Sayyid KazimRashti (d. 1843), al-Ahsa’i’s successor. In the 1840s, he claimed to be theexpected qa’im (messianic “ariser”) or mahdi (“rightly guided one”) andfounded a religion that he hoped would change the world and usher in an eraof peace and justice. These assertions led to his execution in Tabriz, Iran, in1850. In subsequent years, most of his followers looked to Mirza Husayn`Ali Nuri, “Baha’u’llah,” as the Bab’s successor and a figure who, in his ownright, fulfilled Babi and other messianic expectations ...


This diminutive manor house, famous throughout the world as the birthplace of Sir Isaac Newton, has been the subject of studied repair. It is now the property of the National Trust and only essential works connected with its maintenance and preservation have been carried out. Dating from the early seventeenth century, the house in its plan, no less than in the treatment of its external features, expresses the Cotswold tradition of masoncraft, which once extended from Gloucestershire to Lincolnshire. Built of local stone the architectural features consist of moulded window jambs and mullions, finely wrought chimney stacks and well proportioned quoins. The original lead glazing has disappeared from nearly all the main windows. Regarding the roofs the original ‘Colly Weston' stone slates are in position. Internally many of the period fittings, such as doors, cupboards and stone fireplaces, can be seen. The construction of the bedroom floors in a certain measure anticipates the reinforced concrete floor of the present day. At Woolsthorpe the floors, which measure about four and a half inches thick, are formed of reeds and mortar. After more than three hundred years of usage these floors are still free from defects. Externally, beyond very necessary repairs to the masonry of the chimney stacks, the addition of copper gutters and some minor work, nothing has been done to alter the exterior of the house. It was, however, found expedient to demolish some stone steps and an outside convenience of nineteenth-century date.


Author(s):  
Joseph E. Davis

This chapter considers why, despite important reasons to adopt more integrative approaches, medicine continue on a reductionist course. Davis frames a general explanation by considering the powerful appeal of two enduring legacies. First are the implications of seventeenth-century natural philosophy for the commitments of modern science and medicine. Second are the nineteenth-century changes that joined medicine with the physical and life sciences and gave birth to a particular constellation of ideal-types—the “biomedical model”—that have structured thinking about disease and treatment ever since. As Davis shows, the problem for integrative, holistic approaches arises from these two legacies together. As interwoven with central contemporary values, these legacies have given reductionist medicine a distinct cultural authority: the authority to “name the world.”


Author(s):  
William Tullett

The new consensus that smells were tiny material effluvia emitted by all objects served to demystify odours and some of their former powers were questioned. Where sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writers had believed that odours could be nutritious, by the early nineteenth century medical writers no longer believed this to be the case. In the world of materia medica doubts were also raised about the ability of odours to communicate medical powers and the capacity of smelling to divine the medical efficacy of materials. This was partly encouraged by a new medical marketplace in which, partly to render medicines palatable to all consumers, drugs were marketed as odourless. Smell was separated from medical efficacy. Yet the materiality and agentive nature of smells meant that their social power was rendered far more significant.


1988 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. E. Aylmer

SINCE the terms radical and radicalism were not in use before the nineteenth century, it may fairly be asked what they signify when applied to the mid-seventeenth century. The simplest answer is a pragmatic one: by radical I mean anyone advocating changes in state, church or society which would have gone beyond the official programme of the mainstream puritan-parliamentarians in the Long Parliament and the Westminster Assembly of Divines. In the Parliament I therefore exclude here the ‘political Independents’, alias the War Party, other than the handful of pre-1647–8 republicans. In the Assembly I exclude the ‘Five Dissenting Brethren’, who were the spokesmen of moderate Congregationalism, but outside it I include some religious Independents whose radicalism will be presently defined. To borrow another nineteenth-century figure of speech, if we look to the Left of the mainstream Puritans and Parliamentarians, what a bewildering profusion of groups and individuals appears. It is scarcely necessary to have studied the period at all to be familiar with the names of many such sects or movements, if not perhaps of all: Anabaptists, Antinomians, Behmenists, Brownists, Comenians, Diggers, Familists, Fifth-Monarchy Men, Grindletonians, Levellers, Mortalists, Muggletonians, Quakers, Ranters, Seekers, and Socinians. Yet simply to reel off such a list is to omit many interesting and remarkable groups and individuals: would-be reformers of the professions and of law, medicine and education, free-traders, agricultural improvers, philo-semites and proto-feminists, to mention only some of the most obvious. Any reader of Thomas Edwards' Gangraena and other contemporary commination or of Christopher Hill's The World Turned Upside Down and his other writings will be familiar with most of them and no doubt with others too.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 216-233
Author(s):  
Menno Fitski ◽  
Lucien Van Valen

The restoration of a Japanese eight-fold screen, accompanied by art-historical study and research into materials and techniques has greatly enhanced the understanding of the object. Each side bears a painting and it was found that theoldest painting depicts the world of entertainment in Edo in the late seventeenth century, with a portrayal of the Nakamura theatre, holding a performance of the early kabuki play Coming and Going to Takayasu, featuring the then popular actor of women’s roles Tamagawa Sennojō. The source of this scene is an illustration from a 1678 book by Hishikawa Moronobu, Tales of Actors Past and Present. Also, there is an outing to view the cherry blossoms by the Yoshiwara brothel Myōgaya. The other side was fitted in the mid nineteenth century with a specially commissioned painting of an autumn landscape by the painter Itabashi Tsurao, using high-quality pigments. The provenance of the screen has been traced back to 1924, to the dealer Felix Tikotin. It was acquired by Herman Karel Westendorp, the firstchairman of the Royal Asian Art Society in the Netherlands, the present owner, to whom Westendorp sold it in 1931.


Author(s):  
Sławomir Sobieraj

The article analyses The New Comenius, a work by a little-known 19th-century Polish writer, Jan Mieroszewski. The title itself indicates a connection with the works by John Amos Comenius due to the appellativization of the scientist’s name. The author lists multiple affinities in the content, composition and form of the Polish "Comenius" with Orbis Pictus and other works by the outstanding Czech educator, and above all, with his idea of pansophism. He mentions the illustrative method of transferring knowledge and the encyclopaedic tendency to collect and systematize it. At the same time, he proves that Comenius' concepts influenced the development of the Polish prose of the seventeenth century, which assumed the silvic formula of a collection of varieties useful in the lives of educated people. Mieroszewski's book is a continuation of this trend of writing, which combined genealogically contradictory patterns of silva rerum and the encyclopaedia. Despite its literary nature, it retains the value of a textbook or lexicon, which was intended to convey wisdom in a universal dimension, relating to the spheres of self-knowledge, the world of universal and transcendent things, as Comenius had assumed. Undoubtedly, the analysed text confirms the viability of the scholar's concept in the Polish intellectual and literary culture of the nineteenth century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Funk

In the history of botany, Adam Zalužanský (d. 1613), a Bohemian physician, apothecary, botanist and professor at the University of Prague, is a little-known personality. Linnaeus's first biographers, for example, only knew Zalužanský from hearsay and suspected he was a native of Poland. This ignorance still pervades botanical history. Zalužanský is mentioned only peripherally or not at all. As late as the nineteenth century, a researcher would be unaware that Zalužanský’s main work Methodi herbariae libri tres actually existed in two editions from two different publishers (1592, Prague; 1604, Frankfurt). This paper introduces the life and work of Zalužanský. Special attention is paid to the chapter “De sexu plantarum” of Zalužanský’s Methodus, in which, more than one hundred years before the well-known De sexu plantarum epistola of R. J. Camerarius, the sexuality of plants is suggested. Additionally, for the first time, an English translation of Zalužanský’s chapter on plant sexuality is provided.


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