scholarly journals The International Activity of Ordo Iuris. The Central European Actor and the Global Christian Right

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1038
Author(s):  
Alicja Curanović

Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative agenda pursued by the ruling Law and Justice party. Many of the articles briefly mention Ordo Iuris (OI). This non-governmental organisation, established in 2013, deserves a proper analysis as it presents a rare success story of an actor pursuing a pro-life agenda from Poland which is not officially affiliated with the local Catholic Church. Ordo Iuris is not only able to influence domestic socio-political dynamics but has also developed a capacity to act beyond Poland’s borders. This paper focuses on OI’s international activity with two goals in mind. Firstly, it shows how OI—with its narrative, methods and actions—fits into the broader phenomenon of the Global Christian Right. In this regard, the paper draws attention to the similarities as well as the specificities of this Central European NGO. Secondly, it discusses the consequences of entanglement in politics for Ordo Iuris’s agenda.

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Madalena Meyer Resende ◽  
Anja Hennig

The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

This paper has argued that over some four decades the Catholic charismatics have been pulled in different directions regarding their political views and allegiances and that this is a result of contrasting dynamics and competing loyalties which renders conclusions as to their political orientations difficult to reach. To some degree such dynamics and competing loyalties result from the relationship of the charismatics in the Roman Church and the juxtaposition of the Church within USA politico-religious culture. In the early days of the Charismatic Renewal movement in the Roman Catholic Church the ‘spirit-filled’ Catholics appeared to show an indifference to secular political issues. Concern with spiritually renewing the Church, ecumenism and deep involvement with a variety of ecstatic Christianity drove this apolitical stance. If anything, as the academic works showed, the Catholic charismatics seemed in some respects more liberal than their non-charismatic counterparts in the Church. To some extent this reflected their middle-class and more educated demographic features. More broadly they adopted mainstream cultural changes while remaining largely politically inactive. As they grew closer to their Protestant brethren in the Renewal movement Catholic neo-Pentecostals tended to express more conservative views that were then part of the embryonic New Christian Right - the broad Charismatic movement becoming more overtly politicised in the 1980s. Somewhat later the Catholics were being pulled towards the traditional core Catholicism at a time the Renewal movement found itself well beyond its peak and influence in the mainstream denominations including the Roman Church. The Catholic charismatics were ‘returning to the fold’. During this period too the New Christian Right increased its attempt to marshal a broad coalition of conservative minded Protestants and Catholics. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s this proved to be largely ineffectual. The 2004 American Presidential election saw the initiation of the second office of George Bush. It seems clear that without the support of the New Christian Right - fundamentalist, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, charismatics - the victory would not have been secured. Based on research in South Carolina, however, suggests that the CR continues to be inwardly split and quarrels with other wings of the Republican Stephen J. Hunt: BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS • (pp. 27-51) THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS 49 Party, particularly business interests are evident.59 It is also apparent that into the twenty-first century there has proved to be an uneasy alliance in the New Christian Right, threatening to split along lines already observable in the 1970s and 1980s. For one thing the some of the political and social, if not moral teachings of the Catholic Church are at variant with such organizations as the Christian Coalition. The re-invention of the New Christian Right has not fully incorporated conservative Catholics nor Catholic charismatics. A further dynamic is that lay Catholics, charismatics or otherwise, have increasingly adopted a ‘pick and choose’ Catholicism in which there is a tendency to exercise personal views over a range of political issues irrespective of the formal teachings of the Church. To conclude, we might take a broader sweep in our understanding of the role of Catholicism in USA politics, in which the Catholic charismatics are merely one constituency. Recent scholarly work has pointed to the often under-estimated political influence of Roman Catholics in the USA. Genovese et al.60 show how today, as well as historically, Catholics and the Catholic Church has played a remarkably complex and diverse role in US politics. Dismissing notions of a cohesive ‘Catholic vote,’ Genovese et al. show how Catholics, Catholic institutions, and Catholic ideas permeate nearly every facet of contemporary American politics. Swelling with the influx of Latino, Asian, and African immigrants, and with former waves of European ethnics now fully assimilated in education and wealth, Catholics have never enjoyed such an influence in American political life. However, this Catholic political identity and engagement defy categorization, being evident in both left-wing and right-wing causes. It is fragmented and complex identity, a complexity to which the charismatics within the ranks of the Catholic Church continue to contribute.


2021 ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Volobuev ◽  

The chapter describes the influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the domestic and foreign policies of Poland from the signing of the Treaty of May 1989 between the government and episcopate to the parliamentary elections of 2019. The author shows the interaction of the clergy and parties sharing the social doctrine of the church, in particular the Law and Justice Party, and the role of the personality and views of John Paul II in current Polish politics. Finally, the author considers the disputes and conflicts within Polish Catholicism.


Significance In one of the most dramatic upsets in a major Central European election in recent years, Komorowski, who was backed by the ruling Civic Platform (PO) party which has ruled Poland for the last eight years, squandered an early 50-percentage-point lead in the polls over the opposition Law and Justice (PiS) candidate. His failure was due to growing disillusionment with the scandal-plagued PO and Duda's appeal among poorer sections of Polish society, particularly in the country's less-developed eastern half. Duda's surprise victory raises the stakes in the more important parliamentary elections in October, with PiS now in a stronger position to win that contest. Impacts Poland is the latest European country in which mainstream political parties will face a stiff challenge from anti-establishment movements. Investor sentiment towards Central Europe will remain favourable because of its sound fundamentals and relatively brisk growth rates. The zloty and local bonds will remain vulnerable owing to market depth, liquidity and sensitivity to price action in global debt markets.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212094891
Author(s):  
Anna Gwiazda

This article disentangles the complexity of right-wing populism and feminist politics using an original framework based on inputs (representative claims) and outputs (policies) to examine a Polish case. In 2015, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS) formed a single-party majority government led by a female prime minister after winning the elections. PiS is ideologically conservative, promotes traditional and national values and is supported by the Catholic Church. Additionally, it is hostile towards what it calls ‘gender-ideology’ and is reluctant to implement feminist policies. This article also reveals that PiS represents conservative women’s interests and advocates an aspect of conservative feminism, therefore possessing a duality in its claims and policies. Overall, this article draws inferences about the nexus between social conservatism, populism and feminism, and thus seeks to contribute to the scholarly literature by examining a timely issue against the backdrop of rising populism, illiberalism and anti-gender campaigns.


Author(s):  
Michael E. O’Sullivan

Abstract Pius XII’s Addresses to the Catholic Union of Midwives on October 29, 1951 and the National Congress of the Family Front and the Association of Large Families on November 27, 1951 were a pivotal moment in the history of sexuality in the Catholic Church because the pope permitted the use of the rhythm method for the purposes of family planning. They occurred at a moment of transition between Pius XI’s condemnation of contraception and abortion in 1930 and Paul VI’s denunciation of the birth control pill in 1968. This essay argues that these two speeches require greater scholarly attention and that West Germany represents a compelling case study for their reception. Other scholars document well the importance of Germany to the life and papacy of Pius XII, but little light has been shed on how Central European Catholics responded to his views about sex. In a fresh reading of the papal intervention, this essay suggests that the speeches only endorsed practices that had been common since the 1930s. In the midst of changing norms about sex and increased access to birth control as well as anxiety about rapid social change, Pius XII’s attempt at conciliation was significant but ultimately failed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-167
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Korolczuk

Recent developments show that Poland’s anti-gender campaigns, initiated around 2012 by the Polish Catholic Church and ultraconservative organisations, will continue into the next parliamentary term. While the right-wing populist Law and Justice party has made attacks on ‘gender ideology’ a key element of the critique of individualism and neoliberal globalisation, anti-gender rhetoric is also today being adopted by neo-fascists, who combine a desire to maintain a gender hierarchy and hatred towards ‘sexual degenerates’ with anti-European Union sentiments and Islamophobia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wira Paskah Withyanti

Along with the continued development of the political dynamics that occurred during the founding of the Republic of Indonesia has a significant impact on the survival and growth of judicial power. Initial ideas of placing the judicial authorities and the independent judiciary free from interference by other branches of power have a long history. In carrying out the duties of a judge must be able to manage skills and as an upholder of justice professional, kind and reliable. Since this is an important prerequisite. Because of the ebb and flow of political dynamics in Indonesia that today is a democratic state. Where Indonesia recently found his form when the reform introduced in 1998. A new independent judicial power can be realized in a more noticeable when the Suharto regime fell, and then transforms the Law No. 40 of 1970, and then followed by a change to the provisions of Article 24 of the Constitution of 1945. Political law is closely related to the judicial authorities and the judiciary is independent state authority to conduct judiciary, enforcing the law, and justice based on Pancasila, for the implementation of state laws in the Republic of Indonesia. Implementation of judicial power carried by a Supreme Court and judicial bodies underneath, which is the general courts, religious courts, military courts, administrative courts, and a Constitutional Court. Judicial power in Indonesia is an independent and independent authority charged with adjudicating and enforcing law and justice based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Evan B. Bukey

Nearly four decades have passed since the collapse of the Greater German Reich, but the subject of Nazi rule in Hitler's homeland of Austria still remains something of a mystery. While the appearance of pioneering works by Karl Stadler, Radomir Luža, Gerhard Botz, and John Bernbaum, among others, has illuminated the landscape of what until recently was terra incognita, a great many dark valleys and ravines still remain. The purpose of this essay is to examine Nazi control in the Upper Austrian city of Linz as a means of addressing certain unresolved issues of Central European history such as the degree of Austrian participation, support, or acceptance of the Hitler regime, the role of the Roman Catholic Church, the extent of German penetration of Austrian institutions after 1938, and the impact of fascist industrialization in transforming and modernizing Austrian society. Linz should make a particularly interesting test case since it has long mirrored the currents and ambiguities of Central European history. The boyhood home of Hitler, Eichmann, and Ernst Kaltenbrunner, it was a center of German Nationalist agitation before World War I, a model of democratic propriety during the 1920s, and a major battlefield of the Austrian Civil War of 1934. Rapidly evolving from a bastion of Social Democracy into a stronghold of National Socialism, it was a focus of the Anschluss in 1938 and the recipient of lavish aid from its Führer-son thereafter. What occurred in the Danubian city between 1938 and 1945 foreshadowed something of Hitler's intentions, not simply for Austria but also for much of the Greater German Reich.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-188
Author(s):  
Adam Folvarčný ◽  
Lubomír Kopeček

AbstractThis article deals with Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS), considered a conservative party in the scholarly literature. Drawing largely on party manifestos, the article demonstrates the character, the specificities and the evolution of the party’s identity and ideology. A theoretical basis for the undertaking is provided by Klaus von Beyme’s concept of party families, Arend Lijphart’s seven ideological dimensions and classic texts on conservatism. The analysis finds that the most important components in PiS’s current identity are Catholicism itself and the great emphasis the party places on the role of the Catholic Church. Also important for the party’s identity are visions of a nation conceived on ethnic principle, a strong and active state able to form society with a national spirit, anti-communism and a negation of developments in Poland since 1989. A substantial role is played by the quasi-religiously conceived legacy of the party’s co-founder, Lech Kaczyński, who tragically perished in an aircraft crash. With its Catholic-nationalist profile, PiS is close to the Christian current within the conservative New Right, and to Polish National Democracy in the interwar period.


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