scholarly journals What Matters? Non-Electoral Youth Political Participation in Austerity Britain

Societies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ehsan

Since the 2008 global financial crisis, Britain’s young people have been disproportionately affected by policies of welfare retrenchment. Youth disillusionment with austerity has been cited as a reason for the youthquake witnessed in the 2017 General Election, where the Labour Party’s better-than-expected performance resulted in the loss of the ruling Conservative Party government’s parliamentary majority. The degree of one-party dominance among younger voters was unprecedented, with Labour’s aggressively pro-youth agenda paying dividends. However, this paper takes the attention away from voting behaviour and towards non-electoral forms of youth political participation in the UK. What are the strongest predictors of non-electoral political participation among young British people? Three possible predictors are explored: educational attainment, level of trust in politicians, and party identification. Three forms of non-electoral participation are considered: signing a petition, taking part in a boycott and sharing political messages on social media. Using a bespoke representative survey commissioned by Hope Not Hate, this paper finds that educational attainment does not have a particularly strong effect on non-electoral participation, with Labour Party identification being significantly associated with all three forms. A strong relationship is also discovered between identifying with a ‘minor party’ and non-electoral political participation among Britain’s young people.

Author(s):  
Adam Kadziela

The article complements the methodological discussions with issues related to the participation of young people in social research. The scientific purpose of the article is to analyze, indicate the features and stages of the research process, methods and scope of research in the context of available research on the political participation of young Poles. The subject of the analysis is also the research project “Determinants of the electoral participation of young Poles in 2019” carried out in September 2019.


2018 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 1850008
Author(s):  
PANAYIOTIS G. ARTIKIS

This study examines whether there is a strong relationship between stock liquidity, which proxies for the implicit cost of trading shares, and future stock returns in an asset-pricing context in the UK stock market. The time period, 1994–2016, includes the most recent global financial crisis that drained liquidity from financial markets worldwide. Four different measures of stock liquidity are employed; the empirical findings indicate that liquidity is a systematic pricing factor and explains a significant portion of the variation in stock returns, even after the inclusion of the other traditional risk factors. The results are robust to both forms of liquidity, either as a residual effect or in its original form as a separate risk factor. Finally, for the first time quantile regression is applied, showing that the liquidity risk factor (LIQ) absorbs a significant portion of the information content of the size and value factors, while remaining independent of the momentum factor.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain McMenamin

Political finance scholars have paid little attention to the partisan preferences of business donors. This was because business donors were overwhelmingly concerned with the left-right dimension and enjoyed stable relationships with centre-right parties. These parties are increasingly tempted by nationalist positions on a globalisation dimension. This new ideological flux provides an opportunity to measure the extent to which donors are party identifiers or react to changes in the policy space. Dramatic shifts in party policy on both dimensions and a relatively transparent political finance regime make the UK a particularly apposite case to study this question. I analyse 19,000 donations to the Conservative Party and show that business donors reacted strongly to recent shifts on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions. Thus, centre-right parties cannot rely on party identification and their left-right position to maintain business funding. Economic nationalism costs centre-right parties money.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-254
Author(s):  
Eiríkur Búi Halldórsson ◽  
Eva Heiða Önnudóttir

This paper is about electoral participation in national elections in Iceland, where we analyze whether there has been a generational change in participation where younger cohorts are less likely to vote throughout their lives compared to young people before. We distinguish between age, period and cohort effect on electoral participation, using data from the Icelandic National Election Study and we find that the youngest generation today is less likely to vote compared to earlier younger generations. We discuss and analyze whether those changes can be explained by a change in political interest and party identification of younger voters. Our findings point to that the youngest generation today is just as interested in politics as young people was before and as older voters are. Political interest among younger voters has not changed and it motivates young and old people to vote in a similar way as before. We do find that party identification is today a weaker motivator for young people to vote than it was before. This, together with that political interest has not changed, could indicate that the youngest generation is more inclined to participate in politics by other ways than voting. However, it cannot be excluded that the change in voting patterns of the youngest generation is due to a delay in their maturation, meaning that today they are older when they start to take an active part in the society.


Author(s):  
Phil Murphy ◽  
Samuel Brown

Background with rationale There is evidence of a strong relationship between health (and mother’s health) and early educational attainment. With access to administrative data this relationship can be explored to greater depth for the UK. Main Aim To explore the effects of a pupil’s and their mother’s health (split into 22 categories) upon the pupil’s educational attainment through the use of administrative data. Methods/Approach Health events were found through hospital admissions and then converted into the World Health Organisation’s ICD-10 health events. Two year lags were also created for these health events. Probit and ordered probit analyses were then used to explore the effects of these health events on a binary pass/fail core subject indicator and on a teacher assessed grade for Maths, Science and English. Analysis was split by gender and keystage. Results Few of the health events affect the educational attainment of the pupil. The health of male pupils has little impact on education, with the mother’s health having a stronger impact. The mother’s past health events have the greatest impact upon the male pupil’s education. The male pupil’s past health effects keystage 2 pupils the most, with little effect for keystage 1 and 3 pupils. Female pupils’ health has little impact at keystage 1, with increasing importance at keystage 2 and 3. Mother’s health (including past health) seems to have the opposite effect, being more important at keystage 1 and less at keystage 2 and 3. The female pupil’s past health has a small but consistent impact across all keystages. Conclusion By splitting health into ICD-10 categories, the health events that affect education have been more clearly identified. Most importantly, however, is the contribution of administrative data, allowing for in-depth analysis of health on education.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Serena Stefani ◽  
Gabriele Prati ◽  
Iana Tzankova ◽  
Elena Ricci ◽  
Cinzia Albanesi ◽  
...  

A substantial amount of literature has revealed gender gaps in political participation. However, little is known about such gaps when using more comprehensive measures of civic and political participation including online participation. In the present study, we recruited a sample (n = 1792) of young people living in Italy. Controlling for age, majority/minority status, socioeconomic status, respondents’ educational attainment, and parents’ educational attainment, we found that female participants reported higher scores on online and civic participation, while male participants were more likely to report political and activist participation. The effect size for these gender differences was small. In addition, we did not find any gender differences in voting behavior in the last European parliamentary elections, national parliamentary elections, and local elections. These findings highlight the need to move toward a more comprehensive and detailed picture of gender gaps in political engagement and participation including different types of participation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liat Levita ◽  
Jilly Gibson Miller ◽  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Jamie Murphy ◽  
Mark Shevlin ◽  
...  

COVID-19 has led to an unprecedented disruption of normal social relationships and activities, which are so important during the teen years and young adulthood, and to education and economic activity worldwide. The impact of this on young people’s mental health and future prospects may affect their need for support and services, and the speed of the nation’s social recovery afterwards. This study focused on the unique challenges facing young people at different points during adolescent development, which spans from the onset of puberty until the mid-twenties. Although this is an immensely challenging time and there is a potential risk for long term trauma, adolescence can be a period of opportunity, where the teenagers’ brain enjoys greater capacity for change. Hence, the focus on young people is key for designing age-specific interventions and public policies, which can offer new strategies for instilling resilience, emotional regulation, and self-control. In fact, adolescents might be assisted to not only cope, but excel, in spite of the challenges imposed by this pandemic. Our work will feed into the larger societal response that utilizes the discoveries about adolescence in the way we raise, teach, and treat young people during this time of crisis. Wave 1 data has already been collected from 2,002 young people aged 13-24, measuring their mental health (anxiety, depression, trauma), family functioning, social networks, and resilience, and social risk-taking at the time of the pandemic. Here we present a preliminary report of our findings, (Report 1). Data collected 21/4/20- 29/4/20 - a month after the lockdown started).


Author(s):  
Chase Foster

Since the global financial crisis, European governments have sought to intensify the supervision of financial markets. Yet, few studies have empirically examined whether regulatory approaches have systematically shifted in the aftermath of the crisis, and how these reforms have been mediated by longstanding national strategies to promote domestic financial interests in the European single market. Examining hundreds of enforcement actions in three key European jurisdictions, I find a mixed pattern of continuity and change in the aftermath of the crisis. In the UK, aggregate monetary penalties and criminal sanctions have skyrocketed since 2009, while in France and Germany, the enforcement pattern suggests continuity, with both countries assessing penalties and prosecuting insider trading at similar rates before and after the crisis. I conclude that financial regulation is still structured by longstanding industrial strategies (Story and Walter, 1997), but where pre-existing regulatory approaches were seen as contributing to the crisis, a broader regulatory overhaul has been pursued. Thus, in the UK, where the financial crisis served as a direct rebuke to the country’s “light touch” regulation, financial supervision was overhauled, and monetary sanctions dramatically increased, to preserve London’s status as an international financial centre. By contrast, in France and Germany, where domestic regulatory systems were implicated by the financial crisis, domestic securities supervision and enforcement was less dramatically altered. While the crisis has led to the further institutionalization of European-level supervisory institutions, these changes have not yet led to convergence in national regulatory approaches.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1233


Author(s):  
Carolyn Wong

This book examines the political experience of the Hmong Americans immigrants, who first came to the United States as refugees of Vietnam War. In growing numbers, candidates of Hmong American ethnicity have competed successfully in elections to win seats in local and state legislative bodies in California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. At the same time, average levels of Hmong American educational attainment still lag far behind levels in the U.S. population and high rates of poverty persist. Their relatively high levels of political engagement defy the logic of resource-based theories of voting, which explain a greater propensity of some individuals to vote resources available to them, such as higher levels of educational attainment or income compared to others Intergenerational mechanisms of social voting underlie political participation of Hmong Americans. Individuals are mobilized to vote through intergenerational social connections already established in associational, neighborhood, ethnic community, family, and clan networks. Identity narratives adapted to modern-day circumstances and popular notions from ancient oral texts serve to motivate collective action to redress of disparities of economic opportunity and cultural misrecognition. Only when local institutions effectively teach civic and political skills to immigrants and their descendants can political participation be sustained and deepened to combine voting with effective policy advocacy, the building of alliances across racial-ethnic divides, and collective action. The research included interviews of community leaders and grassroots residents from diverse backgrounds, primarily in three cities: Fresno, California; Saint Paul, Minnesota; and Hickory, North Carolina.


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