scholarly journals Assessing the Integration of Environmental Justice and Sustainability in Practice: A Review of the Literature

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (20) ◽  
pp. 11238
Author(s):  
Susan Spierre Clark ◽  
Monica Lynn Miles

The environmental justice (EJ) movement has been a key factor in the United States’ struggle to provide a healthy environment for all to thrive. The origins of the movement date as far back as the 1960’s, led primarily by people of color and low economic status communities living in America’s most polluted environments. More recently, the just sustainability movement calls for the inclusion of EJ considerations, including social justice, equity, and human rights, into sustainability science and initiatives. Whereas previous work has elucidated synergies between both concepts, this paper provides a literature review of studies that apply the concepts of EJ and sustainability in the US to inform ways in which the concepts are merging (or not) for practical applications. The primary objectives of this review are (1) to identify the common themes in which EJ and sustainability are applied, (2) to qualitatively assess the progression of the integration of these important movements in practical applications, and (3) to inform research gaps that exist in this area. In general, we find that despite the increasing conceptual emphasis on the need to integrate these important concepts, the reviewed scholarship reveals that in practice, the integration of EJ and sustainability remains piecemeal.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (14) ◽  
pp. 3942 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Pellow ◽  
Jasmine Vazin

Environmental injustice occurs when marginalized groups face disproportionate environmental impacts from a range of threats. Environmental racism is a particular form of environmental injustice and frequently includes the implementation of policies, regulations, or institutional practices that target communities of color for undesirable waste sites, zoning, and industry. One example of how the United States federal and state governments are currently practicing environmental racism is in the form of building and maintaining toxic prisons and immigrant detention prisons, where people of color and undocumented persons are the majority of inmates and detainees who suffer disproportionate health risk and harms. This article discusses the historical and contemporary conditions that have shaped the present political landscape of racial and immigration conflicts and considers those dynamics in the context of the literature on environmental justice. Case studies are then presented to highlight specific locations and instances that exemplify environmental injustice and racism in the carceral sector. The article concludes with an analysis of the current political drivers and motivations contributing to these risks and injustices, and ends with a discussion of the scale and depth of analysis required to alleviate these impacts in the future, which might contribute to greater sustainability among the communities affected.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-50
Author(s):  
Svitlana Shumovetska

AbstractThe necessity to research the problem of forming a professional culture of future border guard officers using the experience of military personnel training in the United States has been identified in the article. It has been found that professional culture and professionalism are an important part of the US military education system. The peculiarities of vocational training in the leading educational establishments of the United States of America, first of all the Military Academy (West Point, New York), have been studied. It has been determined that the priority of the academy, as a whole system of military vocational education in the USA, is attention to what is needed in the combat situation: analytical mind, leadership, theory and practice of management, knowledge of military history, operational doctrine, national defense policy, ability to plan and make decisions, perform legal duties, and abide the professional ethics. Experimental, case-based, interactive training with the extensive use of imitation devices and practical applications prevails in teaching methodology, which is needed to improve officers’ ability to analyze and solve problems, effectively interact and apply operational doctrine. To enhance the level of professional culture and military identity in military schools, great attention is paid to the development of officers’ intellectual potential, the ability to think and critically perceive the information needed to act in situations of ambiguity and uncertainty, to achieve intellectual superiority over the enemy. In accordance with the philosophy of military education in the United States, it is stipulated that a graduate of a military school should be first and foremost a highly intelligent person who, in many respects, must outperform a graduate of any civilian university, quickly acquire the chosen specialty. In addition to training for character education, military identity, the US military estalishments also intends to work hard to develop communicative skills and abilities through speaking and writing practice.


1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Mitchell

As a frequent concern both of governments and of the public at large in Western Hemisphere nations, international migration is now more prominent than at any time since 1980. The episodic flow of seaborne refugees from Haiti since 1991 has been a key factor in spurring the inter-American community to oppose Haiti's military rulers. The flotilla of rafts leaving Cuba since early August 1994 has engendered high-profile negotiations on migration between Washington and Havana. The stream of undocumented labor migrants from Mexico to the United States has regained momentum since the late 1980s and is encountering increased public criticism, especially in the western United States.Underlying these instances of political tension is a strong, and only partially-met, demand for migration to the United States from parts of Latin America and the Caribbean on the one hand, and a growing anxiety in the US to “control the nation's borders” on the other.


2021 ◽  
pp. 221-249
Author(s):  
Jim Freeman

This chapter begins with the introduction of a small group of racism profiteers who has been aggressively implementing an agenda that, while enormously beneficial for them, has been devastating to communities of color. The chapter recalls how the ultra-wealthy engaged in rampant profiteering off the privatization of national security functions, mirroring the dynamics around the privatization of education, criminal justice, and immigration enforcement. The chapter also recognizes that the most pressing social problems and racial justice are not only the fight of people of color, but rather the fight of all. The chapter then illustrates how the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), the Koch network, and other billionaires and multimillionaires are leading efforts to make substantial changes to, and perhaps completely rewrite, the US Constitution. Ultimately, the chapter addresses how the implementation of a Student Bill of Rights and a comprehensive youth development agenda is eminently feasible if the United States finally makes the education of all children a national priority.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Spencer Banzhaf ◽  
Lala Ma ◽  
Christopher Timmins

The environmental justice literature has found that the poor and people of color are disproportionately exposed to pollution. This literature has sparked a broad activist movement and several policy reforms in the United States and internationally. In this article, we review the literature documenting correlations between pollution and demographics and the history of the related movement, focusing on the United States. We then turn to the potential causal mechanisms behind the observed correlations. Given its focus on causal econometric models, we argue that economics has a comparative advantage in evaluating these mechanisms. We consider ( a) profit-maximizing decisions by firms, ( b) Tiebout-like utility-maximizing decisions by households in the presence of income disparities, ( c) Coasean negotiations between both sides, ( d) political economy explanations and governmental failures, and ( e) intergenerational transmission of poverty. Proper identification of the causal mechanisms underlying observed disproportionate exposures is critical to the design of effective policy to remedy them.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrikas Bartusevicius ◽  
Alexander Bor ◽  
Frederik Juhl Jørgensen ◽  
Michael Bang Petersen

Western democracies, most notably the United States, have recently experienced a wave of protests, some characterized by lethal violence. While police brutality served as a catalyst, the eruption of protests coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic---the most severe global crisis of the 21st century. The pandemic has caused, inter alia, social stress, marginalization, and loss of economic status, which constitute psychological elicitors of aggression. Given this, we examined whether the psychological burden of the COVID-19 pandemic promotes anti-systemic attitudes and behavior. Analyses of two-wave panel data collected in April--July 2020 in the US, Denmark, Italy, and Hungary (N = 10,699), indicated that COVID-19 burden increased sentiments to ``watch the world burn'' and intentions to engage in political violence but not in peaceful protests. In the US, COVID-19 burden furthermore predicted engagement in the most violent actions during the George Floyd protests and counter-protests, including physical confrontation with the police. These results suggest that a second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic during the fall of 2020 may increase the risk of political violence in Western democracies, especially in contexts of potential political instability, such as the US presidential election.


Author(s):  
Cara Santino

In the United States, many people of color recently released from prison are likely to be food insecure. The intersections between race, food security, and release from prison are starting to be recognized. However, food justice should be informed by the perspectives and work being done by returning citizens and people of color. With the help of EMERGE CT, a transitional employment social enterprise for returning citizens in New Haven, Connecticut, I collected food access survey data and narratives of crewmembers at EMERGE to explore these issues. I merged restorative justice and food justice frame­works into one framework to develop an initiative that focuses on the availability of healthy, sustainable, and culturally appropriate food for returning citizens and addresses the social trauma that is perpetuated through both the food and prison systems. Further, I write about the importance of compensating food system leaders of color. I provide insight on the challenges in planning such a program. I discuss why we need to amplify the voices of returning citizens in food justice work. Lastly, I consider how these collaborative, cross-movement coalitions develop creative ways to re-envision equity.


Author(s):  
Sara C. Fingal

Since the 1960s, Latinxs have played prominent roles in the environmental justice movement and in organizations that have defined their members as Hispanic or Latinx environmentalists. Organizers created their own groups in response to their alienation from predominantly white mainstream environmental movements that focused on wilderness preservation and government conservation policies. Latinx community activists, on the other hand, related social justice and grassroots democracy to struggles over public parks and beaches, clean air, clean water, pesticide exposure, and high environmental risks. In the late 1960s and 1970s, organizations like the United Farm Workers (UFW) consciously connected worker safety to environmentalist and consumer concerns about unregulated pesticides, but the majority of environmental groups ignored issues that affected Latinx communities. Eventually, mainstream environmentalists and federal government agencies responded to calls for diversity with increased attention to environmental justice for communities of color in the late 20th century. In recent years, the National Park Service and the US Forest Service have attempted to engage Latinxs through American Hispanic heritage projects and Spanish-language advertising. Previous calls for environmental justice and the youth of the US Latinx population have made many mainstream environmental organizations aware of the need to engage with people of color, although persistent stereotypes about Latinx disinterest in access to public lands and conservation still linger. Newer organizations have worked to engage community members, young people, and departments in the federal government. Latinxs have been and will continue to be critical actors in conversations about local and global environmental issues. Recognition of an existing environmental ethic among Latinx and Spanish-speaking people in the United States would expand the understanding of conservation and environmentalism in American history.


2012 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 538-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Uwaifo Oyelere ◽  
Willie Belton

This research examines the relationship between the economic status of an immigrant's home country and the probability of self-employment in the US. We find that immigrants from developing countries on average have lower self-employment probabilities relative to immigrants from developed countries. Similarly, we find a positive correlation between the current HDI of an immigrant's home country and the probability of self-employment in the US. These result are unexpected given that past research suggests immigrants from countries with high levels of self-employment (developing countries) are more likely to be self-employed in the US. We provide a possible explanation for these results.


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