scholarly journals РОЗВИТОК СОЦІАЛЬНИХ КОМПЕТЕНТНОСТЕЙ СТУДЕНТІВ ВИЩОЇ ОСВІТИ У ВЕЛИКОБРИТАНІЇ

2021 ◽  
pp. 341-343
Author(s):  
І. А. Зарудна
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Competencies ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Parliamentary Debate

The article is devoted to the analysis of the tools of education of social competencies of Stedun youth in Great Britain. Parliamentary debates are considered among the main tools. The author describes the technology of holding a parliamentary debate competition.

Legislating Right, Contemplating Duty: Parliamentary Debate on RTE Second Amendment Bill

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 204-224
Author(s):  
Manoj Kumar ◽  
Ronita Sharma
Keyword(s):  
Elementary Education ◽  
Compulsory Education ◽  
Indian Children ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Education Act ◽  
The Right

The study is an attempt to understand the prevailing discourse in India on education as a right by closely reading the parliamentary debates on The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (Second Amendment) Bill, 2017. Prior to the passing of the above-mentioned amendment bill The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 had debarred schools from detaining or expelling a child till the completion of her elementary education. This provision was amended by the Indian Parliament by passing the bill. When the bill was moved in the Indian parliament it generated debate on the various aspects of education and schooling. The study critically analyses the texts of two proceedings of the parliamentary debate: one from the lower house (Lok Sabha) and the other from the upper house (Rajya Sabha). The study concludes that the deliberation on the bill turned the right-based approach on elementary education almost upside down. The 86th amendment in the Indian constitution and subsequent enactment of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 had recognized children in the age group of 6–14 years as ‘right holders’ while the Indian state had been identified as the ‘duty bearer’. The discourse emerged in the Indian Parliament during the debate on the Amendment Bill, 2017 constituted Indian children of school-going age, their parents and teachers as groups accountable to the state for achieving the goals for universal elementary education, while the Indian state was constituted as an entity with the right to demand compliances from children, parents and teachers.

Time, Uranium and the Legislative Process

1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-426
Author(s):  
Laurence W. Maher
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
The Government

On the evening of 18 November 1976 the Foreign Proceedings (Prohibition of Certain Evidence) Act 1976 passed through both Houses of Federal Parliament in less than three hours. The Federal Government claimed that the Act was urgently needed to protect the Australian national interest, which was said generally to be threatened by attempts being made to gather evidence in Australia for use in large-scale litigation in the United States of America arising put of an international uranium cartel The Parliamentary debate did little credit either to the Government or the Opposition. It is necessary to go beyond the Parliamentary Debates to make an informed assessment of the Act. When the facts are examined it becomes clear that the Government's claim that the situation was urgent was unfounded, that the appeal to the national interest was at best highly questionable and that, because of the availability of appropriate judicial process, legislative action was unnecessary. The Act is alarmingly vague and reposes wide discretionary powers in the Attorney-General. Its passage and operation have quite disturbing implications for parliamentary democracy and the principle of open government. Where uranium is concerned the Federal Government is showing an increasing tendency to use the Parliament as a cipher.

Theories and Empirical Applications of Legislative Debate

2021 ◽  
pp. 34-50
Author(s):  
Jonathan Slapin ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Strategic Interactions ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Wide Range

This chapter explores the theoretical mechanisms underpinning the participation of Members of Parliament (MPs) in legislative debates across a wide range of parliaments. It argues that researchers must examine both strategic interactions within political parties and political institutions to develop an understanding of which MPs take the floor and how researchers can use legislative speeches to measure the essential concepts of polarization, intra-party dissent, and representation. The chapter discusses the basic institutional framework that governs debate across parliamentary democracies, provides an overview of an intra-party theory of parliamentary debate, and considers various possible extensions of the theory. Finally, the chapter illustrates how scholars can integrate insights from theories of parliamentary debates and text analysis of parliamentary speeches.

Legislating in Language: Indigenous Languages in Parliamentary Debate, Legislation and Statutory Interpretation

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian R Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Public Law ◽  
Indigenous Languages ◽  
Indigenous Language ◽  
Statutory Interpretation ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
The Third ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
Indigenous Voices

There are signs that Australia is beginning a long-overdue process of incorporating Indigenous languages into its parliamentary debates and legislation. These are significant developments in Australian public law which, to date, have attracted insufficient scholarly attention. This article begins the process of teasing out the doctrinal implications of this phenomenon. The article is in four parts, the first two of which describe and normatively defend the trend towards Indigenous language lawmaking in Australia. The third part looks abroad to how other countries facilitate multilingual parliamentary debate and legislation. Finally, the article examines the interpretative questions that multilingual legislation poses for Australian courts. Potential answers to these questions are identified within existing Australian and comparative jurisprudence. However, the ultimate aim of this article is not to make prescriptions but to stimulate further discussion about multilingual legislation, which discussion ought to foreground Indigenous voices.

„Salz in der Suppe“ oder „Klimakiller“? Empirische Befunde zum Wandel der parlamentarischen Streitkultur nach dem Einzug der AfD in die deutschen Landtage

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 622-638
Author(s):  
Jürgen Maier
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
German State ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Alternative Für Deutschland ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
German States ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Right

In order to analyze whether the entry of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) into parliaments has changed parliamentary debate culture a content analysis of budget debates for the period 2012-2017 is conducted, where the frequency of interruptions and the use of uncivil utterances during the speaker’s interruption in seven German state parliaments are measured before and after the entry of the AfD . The measured changes to developments in the two German states where the AfD did not succeed in moving into the state parliament are compared . The frequency of interruptions - and thus the conflictual nature of parliamentary debates - has increased as a result of the presence of the AfD . However, there are no indications that the increase in incivility is related to the entry of the AfD into the state parliaments . The likelihood of the AfD’s confrontational appearance increases with its parliamentary significance (e .g ., the share of seats) . By contrast, it is irrelevant for the appearance of the AfD in parliamentary debates whether they are more movement-oriented or more parliament-oriented .

scholarly journals The eastern question in the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1876

2021 ◽  
pp. 189-206
Author(s):  
Milos Kovic
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
British Government ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
Almost All

This article scrutinizes the attitude of the British political elites towards the Eastern question, in the year of the beginning of the Serbian liberation and unification wars of 1876-1878. It is based on diverse sources, Hansard?s Parliamentary Debates being the most important one. The Eastern question, as geopolitical problem of the future of the Balkan and Levantine lands from which the Ottoman Empire was gradually retreating, has been considered through the confrontation of Great Britain and Russia on the wider Eurasian stage, especially in relation to their conflict in the Central Asia. The article is mainly devoted to the different interpretations, debates and conflicts in the British Parliament and public opinion, provoked by the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina and Bosnia, atrocities in Bulgaria, and the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish Wars. The divisions went mainly through the party lines. Behind almost all events in the East, the Conservatives perceived the hand of Russia and League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaisebund). These ?foreign influences? were attributed mainly to Russia and Serbia, as the alleged Russia?s tool in the Balkans. Thus, according to the Conservatives, the Serbs and Russians were to blame for the sufferings of Bulgarians in the hands of the Turks. Additionally, they were repeating that Turkish crimes were committed in self-defence, and that the numbers of victims were hugely exaggerated by the Russian, Serbian and Bulgarian propaganda and the British liberal press. The Conservatives had similar attitudes towards the atrocities committed by the Turks in the Eastern Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Liberals, on the other hand, were insisting that the main causes of these uprisings and wars were national feelings, economical problems, and the misrule of the Turks. They were directing their moral indignation not only to the Turks, but to the British government as well. According to the Liberals, by despatching of the British fleet in the vicinity of the Ottoman capital, the British government encouraged the Turks and made Great Britain co-responsible for the atrocities committed in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

scholarly journals RELUCTANT WARRIOR, ENTHUSIASTIC PEACEKEEPER: DOMESTIC LEGAL REGULATION OF CANADIAN PARTICIPATION IN ARMED CONFLICTS*

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2005
Author(s):  
Ikechi Mgbeoji
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Technical Procedure ◽  
Parliamentary Debate

War is, by necessity, a savage and grisly business and the decision to participate in armed conflict is one of the most onerous any govern- ment can make. This paper examines the domestic norms and institutionalized procedures that constrain or guide the office of prime minister of Canada in deciding when and how to put Canada in a state of war or armed conflict. This question assumes greater importance and subtlety because in contemporary times, formal declarations of war, which in past would have followed intense parliamentary debates, now seem anachronistic. In modern times, states engage in armed conflicts, whether aggressive1 or defensive, without adopting the technical procedure of formally “declaring” war on perceived enemy-states. Indeed, so ubiquitous and recurrent is this phenomenon of “undeclared warfare” that some scholars have suggested that the technical concept of war (declaration of war) has been effectively replaced by the “factual concept of armed conflict.”2 An obvious implication of this trend is that Canadians may not realize that their troops may be engaged in armed conflicts somewhere without as much as a prior parliamentary debate on the necessity of otherwise of participating in an armed conflict.

The Parliamentary Debates on Bangladeshi Migrants (1971–2009)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizwana Shamshad
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Bangladeshi Migrants

The chapter on parliamentary debates analyses the continuing debates about Bangladeshis that took place in the national parliament of India and how their presence was viewed and debated by different sectarian and secular regional and national political parties’ representatives. The Lok Sabha debate texts from 1971 to 2011 have been analysed in this chapter. It discusses the debates on Bangladeshi migrants before, during and after the previous NDA regime. The parliamentary debate provides a window to the readers through which it is possible to obtain a picture of what has been going on over the years in the main arena of Indian politics. It also gives a sense of the lively debates conducted by Indian politicians on the issue of Bangladeshi migration into India, the opponents and their allegations and the proponents who defended and sympathised with the migrants.

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