scholarly journals Public diplomacy message strategy (Public Diplomacy) (see also public diplomacy approach)

Author(s):  
Sarah Marschlich

The variable “public diplomacy message strategy” (or “public diplomacy approach”) refers to public diplomacy efforts in a given country in order to investigate how and with which goal public diplomacy is strategically communicated in the given context. The variable reflects the communication style of a specific actor (a politician, government, or country).   Field of application/theoretical foundation: Analyses of public diplomacy message strategies or approaches mostly build on the taxonomy of public diplomacy (Cull, 2008) or the proposed categories of public diplomacy by Fitzpatrick (2010).   References/combination with other methods of data collection: Public diplomacy message strategies can, in addition to content analysis, be analyzed by conducting interviews or surveys with public diplomacy actors, which allow validating the results from content analyses.   Example study: Dodd & Collins (2017)   Information on Dodd & Collins (2017) Authors: Dodd & Collins Research question/reseach interest: Comparison between public diplomacy approaches between Central Eastern European (not explicated) and Western countries (Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States) Object of analysis: Twitter content posted by 41 embassy accounts (not explicated) Time frame of analysis: March 2015   Information about variable Varible name/definition: Public diplomacy practices: Communication strategy Level of analysis: Tweet Values: Building on Cull’s (2008) taxonomy of public diplomacy: (1) Listening (attempts to collect and collate information about foreign publics and their opinions) (2) Advocacy (activities that promote the country’s policies or general interests among foreign publics) (3) Cultural (efforts to promote cultural resources and achievements of a country) (4) International (activities that involve sending national actors abroad or receiving international actors to strategically manage the international environment) (5) News (use of radio, television and digital media to inform and involve foreign audiences) (6) Other Scales: Nominal Reliability: Krippendorf’s alpha = .50   References Cull, N. J. (2008). Public Diplomacy: Taxonomies and Histories. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616(1), 31–54. Dodd, M. D., & Collins, S. J. (2017). Public relations message strategies and public diplomacy 2.0: An empirical analysis using Central-Eastern European and Western Embassy Twitter accounts. Public Relations Review, 43(2), 417–425. Fitzpatrick, K. (2010). The future of U.S. public diplomacy: An uncertain fate. Martinus Nijhoff/Brill.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta N. Lukacovic

This study analyzes securitized discourses and counter narratives that surround the COVID-19 pandemic. Controversial cases of security related political communication, salient media enunciations, and social media reframing are explored through the theoretical lenses of securitization and cascading activation of framing in the contexts of Slovakia, Russia, and the United States. The first research question explores whether and how the frame element of moral evaluation factors into the conversations on the securitization of the pandemic. The analysis tracks the framing process through elite, media, and public levels of communication. The second research question focused on fairly controversial actors— “rogue actors” —such as individuals linked to far-leaning political factions or militias. The proliferation of digital media provides various actors with opportunities to join publicly visible conversations. The analysis demonstrates that the widely differing national contexts offer different trends and degrees in securitization of the pandemic during spring and summer of 2020. The studied rogue actors usually have something to say about the pandemic, and frequently make some reframing attempts based on idiosyncratic evaluations of how normatively appropriate is their government's “war” on COVID-19. In Slovakia, the rogue elite actors at first failed to have an impact but eventually managed to partially contest the dominant frame. Powerful Russian media influencers enjoy some conspiracy theories but prudently avoid direct challenges to the government's frame, and so far only marginal rogue actors openly advance dissenting frames. The polarized political and media environment in the US has shown to create a particularly fertile ground for rogue grassroots movements that utilize online platforms and social media, at times going as far as encouragement of violent acts to oppose the government and its pandemic response policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-276
Author(s):  
Finn Frandsen ◽  
Winni Johansen

In this study, we investigate a sample of 15 popular crisis management books (PCMBs), written by crisis consultants and published between 1986 and 2018 in the United States or in the United Kingdom. The aim of the study is to examine (1) how the authors of PCMBs position themselves in front of their readers, clients, and competitors, including public relations professionals and academics; (2) how they understand and present organizational crises and the practice of crisis management and crisis communication as their field of expertise; and (3) how they promote this expertise using various types of message strategies and rhetorical packaging. The findings of the study reveal that PCMBs are more diverse than expected and that they cover important aspects of crisis management often neglected by academic publications. The article concludes with some implications for practice, research, and education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jochen Hoffmann ◽  
Karina Nyborg ◽  
Charlotte Averhoff ◽  
Simone Olesen

An emerging field of research views Corporate Political Advocacy (CPA) as a communication strategy that responds to the challenges of public relations in divided societies. CPA takes a political position in public and, by doing so, appears to deliberately alienate some of its stakeholders. This study challenges the assumption that CPA discards a unifying epideictic rhetoric in favour of agonistic politics. The investigated case is Nike’s Dream Crazy campaign starring American football player Colin Kaepernick, whose protest against race discrimination in the United States sparked a heated public debate. Although the critical analysis of the campaign and responses on Twitter reveal deep political cleavages, Nike is concurrently engaged in unchallenged communication praising the hyper-individualism of a market ideology. The epideictic contingency of Nike’s CPA undermines the social cause ostensibly at the heart of the campaign: the fight against racial discrimination.


EDUTECH ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Anwar Sani

Abstract, world democratization forces many organizations including the government in this case, of all types in many regions of the world, to consider giving more attention to the government public relations activities. The role will include contributing to good governance and respect for human rights. That would mean public relations in Indonesia, as elsewhere in Asia, will be involved in the development of public diplomacy. Aware of the problems as well as the demands of optimization and revitalization of the role of public relations in the era of reform, democratization and transparency of public information, Indonesian Ministry of Home Affairs issued the Regulation of the Minister of the Home Affairs (Permendagri ) No. 13 of 2011, in which it sets the Implementation Guidelines for PR Tasks in the milieu of Ministry of Home Affairs and Local Government. The regulation represents the desire of the Ministry of Home Affairs to fix the government's role and functions of public relations in its internal milieu. The research question of this study concerns how the understanding of the public relations officer in the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Permendagri 13/2011 and how the implementation of Permendagri 13/2011 by public relations officials of Ministry of Home Affairs. The method used was qualitative method using the theory of social constructs of reality and symbolic interaction. The results showed that public relations officials in the Ministry of Home Affairs understood that the regulation was to improve the professionalism of Public Relations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and as an effort to encourage the active participation of the public. While the background history of the regulation discovered in the implementation, there were efforts to socialize the regulation; its impacts, constraints and solutions related to its implementation and other four main public relations activities of the Ministry of Home Affairs which include public information services, public affairs, content analysis of media and crisis management.Key words : government public relations, Regulation of the Minister of the Home Affairs 13/2011Abstrak, demokratisasi dunia memaksa organisasi, termasuk juga pemerintah dalam hal ini, dari semua jenis di banyak wilayah di dunia untuk mempertimbangkan memberikan perhatian lebih pada aktivitas kehumasan pemerintah. Peran yang akan mencakup kontribusi bagi pemerintahan yang baik dan menghormati hak asasi manusia. Itu akan berarti hubungan masyarakat di Indonesia, seperti di tempat lain di Asia, akan terlibat dalam upaya pengembangan diplomasi publik.Sadar akan persoalan sekaligus tuntutan optimalisasi serta revitalisasi peran humas pemerintah di era reformasi, demokratisasi dan transparansi informasi publik, Kementerian Dalam Negeri Indonesia (Kemendagri) mengeluarkan Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri (Permendagri) Nomor 13 tahun 2011, yang di dalamnya mengatur Pedoman Pelaksanaan Tugas Kehumasan di Lingkungan Kementerian Dalam Negeri dan Pemerintah Daerah. Permendagri 13/2011 merepresentasikan keinginan Kementerian Dalam NegePertanyaan penelitian ini adalah bagaimana pemahaman para pejabat kehumasan di lingkungan Kemendagri terhadap Permendagri No.13 Tahun 2011 dan bagaimana implementasi Permendagri No.13 Tahun 2011 oleh pejabat kehumasan Kemendagri.Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan teori kostruksi sosial atas realitas dan interaksi simbolik.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pejabat humas Kemendagri memahami Permendagri 13/2011 sebagai regulasi yang mendorong Humas Kemendagri untuk meningkatkan profesionalismenya dan merupakan upaya untuk mendorong partisipasi aktif publik. Sementara dalam implementasi Permendagri 13/2011 ditemukan beberapa latar belakang lahirnya Permendagri 13/2011, terdapat upaya sosialisasi Permendagri 13/2011, dampak, kendala serta solusi terkait implementasi Permendagri 13/2011 dan 4 aktivitas kehumasan utama Kemendagri yaitu layanan public information, public affairs, analisis isi media dan manajemen krisis.Kata Kunci : government public relations, humas pemerintahan, indonesia, permendagri 13/2011


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-87
Author(s):  
P. Michael Rattanasengchanh

During the Cold War, u.s. and Thai leaders invested in public relations programs to win the hearts and minds of the people of Thailand. Changes in Thailand between the years 1957 and 1963, which gave rise to Thai General Sarit Thanarat and King Bhumibol Adulyadej to positions of political authority, strengthened u.s.-Thai relations. To project their power, Washington and Bangkok relied on practicing public diplomacy through the United States Information Agency (usia) to demonstrate the benevolence of the United States, the army’s paternalism, and the god-like image of the king. The period from 1957 to 1963 saw the beginnings of a strong u.s.-Thai relationship and the creation of a stable anti-Communist, military-monarchical government that lasted until the end of the Cold War.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 648-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zongchao Li ◽  
Cong Li

Purpose – Although a large number of prior studies have discussed the impact of using social media to organizations, the existing literature has not yet provided a clear guidance on what specific communication strategy organizations should adopt on social media and what relationship they need to establish with the public. To fill this theoretical gap, the purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of message strategy and interactivity from a relationship-building perspective within a social media context. Design/methodology/approach – Through a 2×2 between-subjects experiment (n=84), this study tests the effects of two message strategies, communal-relationship oriented messages and exchange-relationship oriented messages, with either a high or low level of interactivity within a corporate Twitter setting. Findings – The study findings indicate that communication strategies with different relationship orientations differ in quality. Communal-relationship oriented messages tend to generate more favorable relationship outcomes such as trust and control mutuality than exchange-relationship oriented messages. Message interactivity also positively influences attitude toward the company, perceived company credibility, and commitment. Originality/value – The unique contribution of this study is to extend relationship theories to a discussion of what message strategies organizations should use on social media. It suggests that messages oriented toward different relationships can lead to different outcomes. It also demonstrates the effectiveness of message interactivity in building a relationship between an organization and the public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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