scholarly journals Reformers and Revolutionaries in Modern Iran

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 104-106
Author(s):  
Arshavez Mozafari
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Self Reflection ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Arab Middle East

One cannot think of politicized Islam in Iran without thinking of the IranianLeft’s formation and overall history. The awkward yet symbiotic relationshipbetween them continues to impact how political decisions are made,especially at the parliamentary level. Given the Left’s wide-ranging linkageswith surrounding regions, including the Causacus (early twentieth century)and the Arab Middle East (particularly during the 1970s), experts dealingwith those regions’ politics would benefit from this work. As one of theMiddle East’s strongest leftist movements before the 1980s, any discussionof neighboring revolutionary movements must at least consider it. Althoughthis book assumes familiarity with twentieth-century Iran’s secular politicsand might be considered too dense, its rather large bibliographic section ismeant to encourage individual intellectual pursuits.Many contemporary scholars of the Iranian Left agree on its adherents’general lack of critical self-reflection throughout the twentieth century.Reformers and Revolutionaries in Modern Iran offers a forum for criticalreassessments of organizational platforms along with constructive propositionsmeant to enhance the viability of left-leaning programs – especiallysocial-democratic initiatives. This latter point is crucial, because severalcontributors deliberately state the importance of rejuvenating the Leftthrough social democratic reformism. Historical examples are used to provethis option’s viability over the more “rigid” Marxist-Leninist and Stalinistexamples ...

Arabic, the Arab Middle East, and the Definition of Muslim Identity in Twentieth Century India

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Indian Subcontinent ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Muslim Identity ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Sizeable Minority ◽  
Arab Middle East

The “foreignness” of Islam in India is a familiar theme in the rhetoric of contemporary-Hindu fundamentalism. The numerical majority of Hindus in India is taken to mean that the nation-state ought to be founded on ideals and institutions defined as authentically “Hindu”, that India is the land of the Hindus, and that it must be ruled only by them. This ideology evidently leaves little room for non-Hindus, but especially so for Muslims, who ruled large parts of the Indian subcontinent for several centuries and who still constitute a sizeable minority in India. It is argued, for instance, that as the ruling elite in India, Muslims not only exploited the Hindus, they never even thought of themselves as “really” Indian and should not consequently be considered as such. For all the centrality of the Muslim Other to constructions of Hindu fundamentalism, the appeal and success of the latter is predicated on the systematic exclusion, if not the expulsion, of Muslims from the Hindu nation-state.

‘I have only One Country, it is the World’: Madame Cama, Anticolonialism, and Indian-Russian Revolutionary Networks in Paris, 1907–17

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ole Birk Laursen
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Indian Women ◽  
Freedom Struggle ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The World ◽  
Russian Author ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Maxim Gorky

Abstract In September 1912, the Russian author Maxim Gorky wrote to the Paris-based Indian revolutionary Madame Cama and asked her to write an article on Indian women and their role in the Indian freedom struggle. Their correspondence highlights several issues: Cama’s central role among Indian and anticolonial nationalists from across the world in early twentieth-century Paris; the inspiration from the 1905 Russian Revolution and alliances between exiled Indian and Russian revolutionaries; the role of women in revolutionary movements. Focusing on Indian-Russian networks in early twentieth century Paris, this article examines Cama’s thoughts on feminism and socialism, and the inspiration from Russian revolutionaries in Cama’s anticolonial activities.

Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Mustafa Gökçek
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Religious Studies ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Turkish Nationalism ◽  
Late Ottoman ◽  
Said Nursi

This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.

scholarly journals Singapore, 1915, and the Birth of the Asian Underground

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1782-1811 ◽  
Author(s):  
TIM HARPER
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Asian History

AbstractThis paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the ‘transnational’ at this moment in Asian history.

Inclusion and Exclusion in the Arab City

2019 ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Nezar AlSayyad
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Massive Transformation ◽  
First Century ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Arab Middle East

The urban world underwent a massive transformation at the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century. No region has escaped these changes, and many countries in the Arab Middle East have been particularly affected by them. This chapter analyzes how the construction of the Middle East as a concept has affected the evolution of a placeless urbanism in the region. In doing so, it illustrates the fluidity of identity under both colonial and modern conditions, but also discusses how old ethnic conflicts and religious rivalries in the age of globalization perpetuate different forms of exclusion that shape the contemporary Arab Middle Eastern City.

The Bible

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Biblical Criticism ◽  
Church Of Scotland ◽  
Free Church ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Biblical Scholarship ◽  
Early Twentieth Century

Chapter 4 begins with a discussion of attitudes towards biblical criticism in the 1820s and introduces the Irish career of Samuel Davidson, the first British ‘martyr’ to modern criticism. The next section examines Presbyterian biblical scholarship during the mid-nineteenth century with particular emphasis on biblical commentators and missionary explorers who used their first-hand experiences of the Middle East to defend the plenary inspiration and authority of Scripture. There then follows an examination of the wholehearted opposition of Irish Presbyterians to ‘believing criticism’, especially as it developed in the Free Church of Scotland. The final section describes how believing criticism came to be accepted by a number of Presbyterian writers in the early twentieth century, most of whom either spent their careers away from Ireland or came to the colleges from other churches.

Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Mustafa Gökçek
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Religious Studies ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Turkish Nationalism ◽  
Late Ottoman ◽  
Said Nursi

This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.

Some Recent Studies of Revolutionary Movements in China in the Early Twentieth Century

1972 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart R. Schram
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Chinese Revolution ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The World ◽  
Real Change ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Opposite Extreme

When revolution broke out in China in 1911 and rapidly led to the overthrow of the dynasty and the founding of a republic, opinion throughout the world was startled and deeply impressed. The European press expressed amazement that a quaint Oriental people such as the Chinese should take it into their heads to carry out an anti-monarchical revolution, and that hard-headed political realist Vladimir Ilich Lenin waxed positively lyrical about the Chinese revolution and its leader. ‘The East’, he wrote, ‘has committed itself to the Western path,…further hundreds and hundreds of millions of people will from now on join in the struggle for the ideals for which the West has striven’. In Sun Yat-sen, he saw ‘a revolutionary democrat, imbued with that nobility and heroism peculiar to a rising rather than a declining class’. Even when Sun had been supplanted as President by Yüan Shih-k'ai, Lenin still saw a ‘mighty democratic movement’ in progress throughout Asia, whereby hundreds of millions of people were ‘awakening into life, light, and freedom’. Succeeding generations of scholars and political observers, instructed by the spectacle of corruption, division, and military domination which unfolded itself in various guises throughout the era from 1911 to 1949, have gone almost completely to the opposite extreme. What happened in 1911 was not a revolution at all, or only in the most superficial sense; the monarchical system was indeed overthrown, but there was no real change in the locus of power in society.

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