scholarly journals “WOMEN's STRIKE”: THE PROBLEM OF ABORTION IN THE MIRROR OF POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN MODERN POLAND

Author(s):  
O.V. Timofeeva

The article attempts to trace the impact that the "women's strike" had on the positions of forces in the issue of abortion in modern Poland. The author draws attention to the reaction to the Constitutional Court of Poland and its changes over the past period. The author discovers that only political parties that do not play a significant role in political life are willing to support the protesters on the women's agenda, and that a significant opposition party, as a result of the tightening of the abortion legislation, is coming to an understanding of the need to revise its program in relation to abortion.

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


1994 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 565-575
Author(s):  
Howard A. Scarrow

The weakening of American political parties has been a theme featured in the writings of political scientists for the past several decades. This essay is addressed to developments which may further that decline-developments which have undermined the very purpose which American political parties are said to serve. I refer to legal standards which were established by the Supreme Court in 1964, and which have since been expanded by the Court and then incorporated into the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its amendment in 1982.


Author(s):  
Alexander Hudson

Over the past three decades, participatory methods of constitution making have gained increasing acceptance and are now an indispensable part of any constitution-making process. Despite this, we know little about how much public participation actually affects the constitution. This article investigates the impact of participation in two groundbreaking cases: Brazil (1988) and South Africa (1996). This analysis demonstrates that public participation has relatively small effects on the text, but that it varies in systematic ways. The theory advanced here posits that party strength (especially in terms of discipline and programmatic commitments) is the key determinant of the effectiveness of public participation. Strong parties may be more effective in many ways, but they are less likely to act on input from the public in constitution-making processes.


1978 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Tennekes ◽  
M. Fl. Jacques

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.


1975 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Henige

This paper argues that interpretations which would view pre-colonial Akan political life as ‘normative’ and structured may be incorrect, at least in so far as stool succession is concerned. Contemporaneous evidence for this early period is at best sparse and at worst simply non-existent and seldom allows even tentative hypotheses. Rather, it is necessary to infer past practices from more recent data, whether this be observation of present behaviour or recent testimony about the past. In this case I have used the testimony presented at various stool and jurisdictional disputes during the colonial period for which records survive. These are generally, of course, ex parte statements and can be used only with caution. However, there is a surprising consensus throughout these records that both the principles and the patterns of stool succession and paramountcy in the pre-colonial period were variegated and even extemporaneous although, not surprisingly, there is much dispute about the reasons for this. On balance, this testimony suggests that a re-interpretation of early Akan political culture using a wider range of evidence is desirable.Although this implies that the impact of colonial ‘indirect’ rule was not as profound as has often been supposed, I have not discussed this problem directly except as it bears on the quality of the data. Nor have I attempted to analyse the day-to-day dynamics of political life, either for the earlier period (which would be impossible on the evidence) or for the colonial period (which would be irrelevant for comparison). Nevertheless, within the restricted compass of stool succession and paramountcy the argument here is that colonial rule involved little fundamental change from earlier practices. If anything, it probably served to delimit a greater range of previous options by seeking to codify them.


Author(s):  
Namig MAMMADOV

This article examines and analyzes the history of the formation and development of the National Outlook Movement in Turkey, its ideology and social base and the main driving forces, as well as the main political parties and their activities. The article also analyzes the historical circumstances that influenced the formation and development of the movement, including the role of the movement's leader, prominent scientist and researcher, professor Najmeddin Erbakan, as well as the reasons for his entry into the political arena and its consequences. The role of N. Erbakan in the political life of Turkey was investigated and tried to be evaluated. It was noted that, the main ideology of the National Outlook parties is a free market economy without interest, the strengthening of production, the establishment of a just society in which basic human rights are protected, and so on.The first openly political Islamist political party in Turkish history was the National Order Party, formed on January 30, 1970. However, the party did not last long and was closed in 1971 by a decision of the Constitutional Court. Instead, party representatives formed the National Salvation Party in October 1972. This party, like all other political parties in Turkey, was closed after the 1980 coup. However, it became a partner of the government for the first time, and one of the most important decisions of this government was send of Turkish forces to Cyprus.With the permission of the National Security Council, the Welfare Party (WP) was formed in 1983 under the leadership of Ahmet Tekdal, representing the same direction. After the lifting of political bans, N. Erbakan was re-elected party leader. The 1990s marked a new stage in the development of the National Outlook movement. The Welfare Party's reputation began to rise. In the 1995 elections, the party won 21 percent of the vote. In 1996, N. Erbakan formed a coalition government with the True Path Party, led by Tansu Chiller. This government resigned as a result of the February 28 process, and the party was dissolved. The members of the party formed the Virtue Party. Disagreements between innovative and conservative groups within the party led to the formation of two political parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Felicity Party, after the party was dissolved in 2001.


2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
PG McHugh

This article looks at the impact and afterlife of the groundbreaking Maori Council judgments handed down in the late 1980s by the Court of Appeal presided by the late Sir Robin Cooke (as he then was). This article refutes any notion of constitutional relations with Māori being founded on race despite unilateral (and long discarded) legal design tending towards that characterisation. The true pattern has been iwi-based and it has arisen from the continuity of whakapapa in the organization of Maori political life and relations with the state notwithstanding meddlesome but ultimately ineffectual legislative attempts to dilute tribalism. Over the past twenty plus years, the Treaty claims processes initiated in 1985 have accentuated and revitalised that tribalism. Far from licensing judicial interventionism "Treaty principles" are part of an embedded and conservative jurisprudence of Māori affairs. Their elimination from legislation would amputate a major segment of that jurisprudence. The courts, whose profile in this broad field (Treaty claims processes most notably) is mostly a resiling one, would respond by generating their own version. The legacy of Sir Robin Cooke’s court is deep-rooted and thoroughly integrated into the New Zealand legal system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (8) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ashraf Elsafty ◽  
Mohammad Ragheb

HRM has a significant role in motivating the employees and ensuring that every employee is satisfied with the HR practices. Healthcare providers have been facing stress and depression especially in Egypt, due to COVID-19. In this country, the healthcare providers are looking for alternatives to achieve satisfaction as COVID-19 has affected their jobs, salaries, incentives, and bonuses. The past studies have focused on assessing the HRM’s role in employee retention and satisfaction during the COVID-19 pandemic in Egypt. The past research discussed the impact of motivation, incentives, and rewards on the employees’ motivation. This study focused on evaluating the role of HRM towards the healthcare providers' retention during COVID-19 in Egypt. This study relied on the quantitative approach for achieving the findings and conclusion. The sample size of the study involved 120 healthcare providers working in different hospitals. The results revealed that intrinsic motivation, rewards, incentives, monetary benefits, and non-monetary benefits have an essential role in maintaining the healthcare providers during COVID-19. It is concluded that HR can play a significant role in retaining key healthcare providers in COVID-19. The elements including intrinsic motivation, incentives, non-monetary, and monetary benefits can play a significant part in retaining healthcare providers. HR departments should focus on releasing salaries on time, providing specific bonuses, and providing incentives to healthcare providers whenever they perform at their best level.


Author(s):  
Camille Deprez ◽  
Judith Pernin

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, namely to draw attention to the similarities between heterogeneous documentary practices and forms by offering in-depth analyses of significant independent documentary works in the post-1990 era. It examines recent cases where independence is at stake, either in the discourse developed by documentary practitioners themselves or in the supposed systems within which documentary images are produced. Hence, the purpose of this collective volume is to adjust an ever-changing term to the concrete modifications of documentary film practices, as well as to the new constraints and opportunities that have appeared in this field over the past twenty-five years. The technological changes taking place in the 1990s and 2000s have played a significant role in reshaping documentary film practices. However, the consequences of the digital revolution still need to be addressed without overestimating the impact of technology on other political, economic, social, and cultural changes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110477
Author(s):  
Deniz Aksoy ◽  
David Carlson

Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.


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