Politics in the Middle: For a Political Interpretation of the Dualisms in Deleuze and Guattari

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 104-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Nunes

The paper identifies three recent lines of interpretation of the politics that can be derived from Deleuze and Guattari, all of which share a way of reading the dualisms in their work that can be traced back to how they understand the actual/virtual partition, and to an alleged pre-eminence of the virtual over the actual. It is argued that this reading is not only inaccurate, but obscures the political dimension of Deleuze and Guattari's work. Clarifying the latter requires a reinterpretation of the dualisms involved (as dyads rather than binaries), of the relation between virtual and actual (as a formal distinction where one acts back upon the other), and the drawing of a clear distinction between what Deleuze calls a ‘transcendent exercise’ of thought and sensibility and the properly metaphysical exercise that sets up the distinction between virtual and actual. What then appears is an image of Deleuze's and Guattari's thought that is far more concerned with practical questions and with a situated political practice of intervention.

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Claudio Celis Bueno

This article explores the political dimension of algorithmic face recognition through the prism of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s notion of faciality. It argues that algorithmic face recognition is a technology that expresses a key aspect of contemporary capitalism: the problematic position of the individual in light of new forms of algorithmic and statistical regimes of power. While there is a clear relation between modern disciplinary mechanisms of individualization and the face as a sign of individuality, in control societies this relation appears more as a contradiction. The article contends that Deleuze and Guattari’s concepts of machinic enslavement and social subjection offer a fruitful perspective from where to identify the power mechanisms behind the problematic position of the individual in the specific case of algorithmic face recognition.


2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 64-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karolina Starego

This paper will address an issue that is not often discussed in the context of civic and democratic education – the shaping of political emotions. My main purpose is to outline pedagogical currents that are oriented towards cultivating the ability to identify with the suffering of the Other. This emotional identification is based on an ability to perceive structural processes that generate marginalisation and injustice and can serve as a basis for an affirmative, collective action. The thesis presented in this paper is that educational institutions should work towards fostering democratic and collective forms of subjectivity. Drawing on ideas from the existing literature I will discuss the political dimension of anger and the notion of critical pedagogy of compassion that are placed in a broader perspective of radically conceived solidarity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (43) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Kaare Nielsen

Prominent positions in the contemporary theoretical field of the humanities tend to conceptualize late modern communities in general as aesthetic communities of taste. In regard to political communities, this means reducing the political to an implication of the aesthetic discourse. This article argues for addressing the aesthetic and the political as distinct discourses that are, on the other hand, always engaged with each other in a conflictual interplay. Both discourses draw on and appeal to the ability of judgement, but according to their own distinct principles, and depending on their respective weight in the conflictual interplay, this entails quite different perspectives with regards to political practice and community formation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-51
Author(s):  
Alejandro Agudelo Calle

*Full article is in SpanishEnglish abstract:This article inquires about the contribution that television makes to citizen health education and political action in Colombia. Using two methods, textual analysis and audience ethnographies, this qualitative study proposes descriptive and interpretative empirical elements aimed at understanding the communicative process of television and its impacts on citizen health education. Forty in-depth interviews were conducted, including 30 viewers and 10 television producers. Over 100 hours of audiovisual content from four programs were analyzed. The article concludes that television has the potential to educate citizens on health, but Colombian television contributes minimally to this purpose for two reasons: (1) it addresses an individualistic dimension of health, excluding the political dimension, and (2) it privileges cosmetic and biomedical notions of health, which are, on one hand, superfi cial and, on the other, focused on the disease and its prevention.Spanish abstract:Este artículo se pregunta por el aporte que hace la televisión a la formación ciudadana en términos de educación para la salud y para la acción política en Colombia. Utilizando el análisis textual y la etnografía de audiencias, el estudio cualitativo propone elementos empíricos descriptivos e interpretativos que permiten comprender el proceso comunicativo televisivo y su incidencia en la formación ciudadana en salud. Se realizaron 40 entrevistas a profundidad: 30 a televidentes y 10 a productores televisivos, y se analizaron más de 100 horas de contenido audiovisual de cuatro programas. Se concluye que la televisión tiene potencial para formar ciudadanos en salud, pero, en el caso colombiano, la televisión aporta mínimamente a este propósito por dos razones: aborda una dimensión individualista de la salud, excluyendo la dimensión política, y privilegia nociones cosméticas y biomédicas de la salud, por un lado, superfi ciales y, por el otro, enfocadas en la enfermedad y en su prevención.French abstract:Cet article s’interroge sur l’apport de la télévision à la formation des citoyens en matière de santé et d’action publique en Colombie. En utilisant deux méthodes, l’analyse textuelle et l’ethnographie des audiences, l’étude qualitative propose des éléments empiriques descriptifs et interprétatifs qui permett ent de comprendre le processus communicatif télévisuel et son incidence sur la formation à la santé des citoyens. 40 entrevues approfondies ont été réalisées : 30 téléspectateurs et 10 producteurs de télévision et plus de 100 heures de contenus audiovisuels de quatre programmes ont été analysés. Il a été conclu que la télévision possède le potentiel d’éduquer les citoyens en matière de santé mais que la télévision colombienne ne contribue que très légèrement à cet objectif pour deux raisons : elle aborde un aspect individualiste de la santé, en excluant la dimension politique, et privilégie les notions cosmétiques et biomédicales de la santé, à la fois superfi cielles et centrées sur la maladie et sur sa prévention.


Author(s):  
Thomas Paulsen

Chapter 1 discusses the range of scholarship dealing with Demosthenes’ life and work, published in three distinct periods: from the eighteenth century to 1945, from 1945 to the late 1990s, and during the last twenty years. Before World War II, work on Demosthenes focused on the constitution and translation of the text on the one hand, and on the political judgement—often one-sided and heavily influenced by the contemporary outlook—of Demosthenes the politician on the other hand. After the war political interpretation, and interest in oratory in general, waned, whereas the last two decades have seen a new surge of research on Demosthenes, with particular prominence of high-standard commentaries.


1970 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

Esad Bey’s theocratic state. A Muḥammad biography from the perspective of a Jewish convert to Islam with special consideration for the political dimension.This paper analyses the political dimension of the Muḥammad biography written by Esad Bey (1905–1942), a.k.a. Leo Noussimbaum, a Jewish convert to Islam, who lived and worked as a writer in Berlin/Germany. Esad Bey, a Baku-born (Azerbaijan) Jew, who became a Muslim in an early stage of his life, had written 16 books at the age of 30, one of which became a world-bestseller. Esad Bey was a mostly unkown public figure until Tom REISS finished the first well researched biography in 2008; yet he still continues to relatively unkown to Muslim audience. The biography of Muḥammad was the second biography of Esad Bey, following his initial biography on Stalin.The biography, that was published in 1932 in German language, is highly influenced by it’s time, the concurring ideologies of fascism and communism as well as the pan-Islamist thinking of Esad Bey. In a time of social assimilation of Jews, Esad Bey chose to emphasize his Muslim identity inwardly as well as outwardly through wearing the traditional Ottoman Fez. The biography Mohammed is the product of a sīrah influenced by the traditional writing of Muslims and that of Orientalists. On one side, Esad Bey tries to make his Western readership of the 1930s more sympathetic to Islam, while on the other side it reads very much as a cry to Muslim political renewal. Focus of his narration is the state that is characterized in many different ways (theocratic, despotic, socialist, democratic, etc.). This papers aims at analyzing his under-standing of the theocratic democratic Islamic state as told in his biographical writing.


Author(s):  
Franz Kasper Krönig

This essay tries to intervene in the discussion between Naomi Hodgson on the one hand and Joris Vlieghe and Piotr Zamojski on the other about the meaning and function of the political in and for education. Firstly, it argues against the common charge of essentialism that is brought against ontological philosophies in general and the Heideggerian ontology of Vlieghe and Zamojski in particular. Secondly, the essay suggests the existentialist concept of ‘the situation’ as a theoretical nodal point that can grasp the inherently quasi-political dimension of pedagogical work and hence provide common ground for the two positions discussed.


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