Biden’s America First: A Foreign Policy for the Middle Class

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-256
Author(s):  
Heajeong Lee
Keyword(s):  
2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hepp

James Brown Scott played a key role in the growth of public international law in the United States from the 1890s to the 1940s. While little remembered today, he was well-known among his contemporaries as a leading spokesman for a new and important discipline. Scott rose from obscure middle-class origins to occupy a prominent and influential place as an international lawyer who shared his legal expertise with seven presidents and ten secretaries of state. By examining his life we gain insight into the establishment of public international law as a discipline and on the era when lawyersqualawyers began to help shape American foreign policy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-151
Author(s):  
Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad ◽  
Alejandro J. Beutel

Recently Michael Scheuer, a former twenty-two-year CIA analyst and headof the agency’s Bin Laden Unit, gave an interview with John Barry of Newsweek.Scheuer observes that a new generation of middle-class, well-educatedMuslims are taking up arms to fight for al-Qaeda. Furthermore, he points outthat the main reason why bin Laden remains at large is because Washingtonrefuses to acknowledge – and tell Americans – that its longstanding policiestoward the Muslim world are the root of the problem. The main quote is:Our leaders say he [bin Laden] and his followers hate us because of whowe are, because we have early primaries in Iowa every four years andallow women in the workplace. That’s nonsense. I don’t think he wouldhave those things in his country. But that’s not why he opposes us. I readbin Laden’s writings and I take him at his word. He and his followers hateus because of specific aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Bin Laden lays themout for anyone to read. Six elements: our unqualified support for Israel;our presence on the Arabian peninsula, which is land they deem holy; ourmilitary presence in other Islamic countries; our support of foreign statesthat oppress Muslims, especially Russia, China and India; our long-termpolicy of keeping oil prices artificially low to the benefit of Western consumersbut the detriment of the Arab people; and our support for Arabtyrannies who will do that.1 (emphasis added)Scheuer’s analysis is supported by opinion polls of the Muslim public.A survey by the Project on International Public Attitudes (PIPA) in April ...


2014 ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Nevin Power

It is 1979. Cars wait for hours to get gasoline and fistfights erupt in the long queues. A riot over a lack of diesel fuel for truckers takes place in the centre of a model American middle-class suburb in Pennsylvania. Two years earlier President Jimmy Carter had appeared on national television explaining America’s first comprehensive energy policy before submitting it to Congress. Framing the need to reduce dependence on foreign oil as being the “moral equivalent of war”, Carter advocated conservation and the development of renewable sources of energy. This research proposes that, despite his efforts, between 1977 and 1979 Carter was unable to produce a grand strategy on energy because of foreign policy developments in the Middle East and their impacts on interconnected US domestic issues in the state of the economy, access to oil, and the public’s perception of limits to US power. The foreign policy developments in ...


Author(s):  
Craig Jeffrey

India is the fastest growing major economy in the world with a large and rapidly growing middle class. It has established an identity as a major power in terms of Information Technology and has become a global player in terms of foreign policy. Despite this, however, India has a GDP per capita below that of Sudan. Economic reforms in India have widened social inequalities across the subcontinent. Poverty, inequality, and exclusion in contemporary India are the norm for many ordinary Indians. But there is hope. These hopes are not only economic, but also social and political—people have an awareness of rights and their entitlements as citizens.


1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Alfred B. Thomas

In Latin America three main currents of nationalism exist. One of these, middle class, fits well the excellent definition suggested by Professor Paul Shoup, displaying a fundamental attachment to the values in a country's national culture and history; a need for a considerable degree of independence with priority given to one's own immediate national interest; and, finally, nationalistic emphasis upon industrialization as a means of progress. The second and third currents of nationalism are fraudulent in character, that is, nationalistic feelings are manipulated by Communists to serve the purposes of Russian or Chinese Communist foreign policy, and a similar manipulation by members of the privileged elite to protect their monopoly of political and economic power sometimes may be found.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas K. Gvosdev ◽  
Jessica D. Blankshain ◽  
David A. Cooper

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