Comparison of American and British political texts (based on the material of the inaugural speeches)

Author(s):  
A. G. Antonchik ◽  
U. A. Fedotova

The article presents a comparative analysis of American and British political texts, aimed to reveal the content of speech tactics and strategies, and to comment on their functional purpose. Special attention is paid to the issues of using the means of speech expressiveness, among which key words and metaphors are highlighted. This study is based on the texts of the inaugural speeches of American presidents (George W. Bush, Barak H. Obama, Donald J. Trump, Joe R. Biden) and British prime ministers (Tony Blair, David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson), published on the official websites of the US and UK administrations.

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Crines ◽  
Kevin Theakston

AbstractThis article analyses British prime ministers' use of religious language and their own religious beliefs in their political rhetoric. This is used to justify policy, support their ideological positions, present a public persona, and cultivate their personal ethical appeal and credibility as values-driven political leaders. The focus is on the use and the nature of the religious arguments of Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and David Cameron. As political leaders, British prime ministers are aware of the need to modify and tailor their language in response to changing audiences and contexts. “Doing God” is a difficult and risky rhetorical strategy for British prime ministers but it increasingly has the potential to yield political benefits.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Allen

This chapter charts the story of the Conservatives in government between 2015 and 2017. It examines why David Cameron called a referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Union, why Theresa May succeeded him as prime minister, and why May decided to call a snap election in the spring of 2017. It locates these decisions against deep and bitter divisions within the Conservative party over the issue of EU membership, and further examines the broader record of the Conservatives in government. Above all, it seeks to explain how both prime ministers both came to gamble their fortunes on the electorate – and lose.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Cladi

Abstract The royal prerogative is one of the most significant elements of the UK’s government and constitution. During the premiership of Gordon Brown and the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition led by David Cameron, there was momentum for a reform of the royal prerogative. During the Conservative premiership of Theresa May, the impetus for reform of the royal prerogative has seemingly diminished. This article analyses how the UK Government has made use of the royal prerogative in terms of deploying the armed forces, making and unmaking international treaties and proroguing Parliament. It asserts that while such powers have not been compromised, the ability of Prime Ministers to use them without parliamentary consent has been subject to greater contestation. This has appeared to rein in the discretion of Prime Ministers. However, this article argues that Prime Ministers’ discretion has in fact become more meaningful as their political capital is invested in decisions concerning prerogative powers.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Strong

ABSTRACT This article asks whether Prime Minister Theresa May’s decision to bypass the House of Commons and order military action in Syria in 2018 killed the UK’s nascent War Powers Convention, established most visibly when MPs vetoed an essentially similar operation under Prime Minister David Cameron in 2013. It finds that the War Powers Convention survives, but in a weakened state, subject to new caveats that significantly narrow its scope. What happens next depends on the dynamic, unpredictable interaction between what future prime ministers believe, what strategic questions arise and what MPs will accept.


2012 ◽  
pp. 132-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Uzun

The article deals with the features of the Russian policy of agriculture support in comparison with the EU and the US policies. Comparative analysis is held considering the scales and levels of collective agriculture support, sources of supporting means, levels and mechanisms of support of agricultural production manufacturers, its consumers, agrarian infrastructure establishments, manufacturers and consumers of each of the principal types of agriculture production. The author makes an attempt to estimate the consequences of Russia’s accession to the World Trade Organization based on a hypothesis that this will result in unification of the manufacturers and consumers’ protection levels in Russia with the countries that have long been WTO members.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
А. И. Стребков ◽  
А. И. Мусаев

The present article concerns with the modern state of things of the conflict resolution specialists’ training in the US universities. The analysis is based on the informational and promotional materials which were picked up from the 11 American universities’ websites. The aim of the analysis was the examination of the four sections, which are: the orientation of the academic program, the content of the program or the scope of the skills, the main methodology of the academic program and the educational technologies. Together with the analysis of the US universities’ academic programs the article provides the comparative analysis of these programs with the Russian academic programs. On the back of this comparative analysis the authors come to the comprehensive conclusion according to which the specialists’ training in the field of the conflict resolution and peacebuilding in the US does not have significant differences from Russian ones and is carried out within one international academic trend in regard to its main features which are: the orientation, content, educational methodology and technologies. The key distinction of the Russian training from the American one is that the Russian academic tradition does have the core subject matter around which the whole academic program is being developed and which is the conflict. This subject matter is being taken in its entirety and the conflict resolution is considered as the closing stage of the conflict studies specialists’ training whereas the academic programs of the US universities embrace the conflict resolution as the subject matter of the academic training and therefores leaves beyond the scope of the training both the theory of the conflict and the forms practice of its manifestation in a number of the programs. The letter is peculiar to both short-term academic programs and the full-time two-year academic programs as it is accepted in the educational space of the Russian Federation. Furthermore, the authors of the article make up the conclusion of the coinciding major educational methodology which guides the academic programs of the American and Russian universities and which is developed on the principles of the interdisciplinarity.


Author(s):  
Zhusupbek kyzy Aida

Abstract. Thе article aims at researching the concept “knowledge” used in phraseological units which is one of the key concepts in Кyrgyz and English world view. The comparative analysis of the concept “knowledge” in Kyrgyz and English linguistic world view reveals differences and similarities in its content. In addition, the research also shows that Kyrgyz phraseological units differ a lot from the English due to several particular features like cultural diversity, language peculiarities and linguistic world view. Various examples related to the concept “knowledge” are used demonstrating the difficulties in translation and the differences in meaning of the concept “knowledge” in phraseological units in Kyrgyz and English world view. Key words: concept, linguistic world view, phraseological units, idioms, phrase, proverbs and sayings, phraseology, equivalents, knowledge, translation.


This chapter compares the leadership capital of two long-serving UK prime ministers: Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher, treble election winners who held office for a decade. Mapping their capital over time reveals two very different patterns. Thatcher began with low levels of capital, building to a mid-term high and final fragile dominance, though her capital fell between elections. Blair possessed very high levels from the outset that gradually declined in a more conventional pattern. Both benefited from electoral dominance and a divided opposition, Thatcher’s strength lay in her policy vision while Blair’s stemmed from his popularity and communication skills. The LCI reveals that both prime ministers were successful without being popular, sustained in office by the electoral system. Towards the end of their tenures, both leaders’ continued dominance masked fragility, ousted when unrest in their parties and policy unpopularity eroded their capital.


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