scholarly journals Le elezioni comunali del 2014 a Livorno

2015 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini

The local elections that were held in spring 2014 led to the renewal of the Municipal Councils and Mayors of over 4,000 Italian cities. The electoral results were hardly predictable by the political analysts. This is particularly true in the case of the Tuscan town of Livorno, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition had lost the political leadership of the city, after having governed for almost seventy years after the end of the World War II. In Livorno the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party has been defeated after the second round by the candidate of the Five Star Movement. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. Finally, the article tries to provide some conclusive remarks.  

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini

The Italian local election held in spring 2014 resulted in a surprising political landscape. In particular, in the Umbrian town of Perugia, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition has lost the political leadership of the city, after having administered for almost seventy years after the end of World War II. In Umbrian capital in fact the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party was defeated after the second round by the candidate of the centre-right coalition. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. After this analysis, a comparison with the case of the 2014 municipal elections of Livorno will be provided. As a conclusion, the article tries to understand if the political changes experienced by both Perugia and Livorno can be a signal of a big transformation of local power and if they can also be extended to other territories.


1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (0) ◽  
pp. 499-504
Author(s):  
Yoichi Miura ◽  
Shinichi Kitamura ◽  
Toshiyuki Hanaoka ◽  
Koshiro Shimizu ◽  
Kazuhiro Kimura

Author(s):  
David A. Hollinger

This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, 1942, was the first moment at which rival groups within the leadership of ecumenical Protestantism came together and agreed upon an agenda for the postwar world. The chapter addresses the following questions: Just what did the Delaware Conference agree upon and proclaim to the world? Which Protestant leaders were present at the conference and/or helped to bring it about and to endow it with the character of a summit meeting? In what respects did the new political orientation established at the conference affect the destiny of ecumenical Protestantism?


Author(s):  
Nicola Phillips

This chapter focuses on the political economy of development. It first considers the different (and competing) ways of thinking about development that have emerged since the end of World War II, laying emphasis on modernization, structuralist, and underdevelopment theories, neo-liberalism and neo-statism, and ‘human development’, gender, and environmental theories. The chapter proceeds by exploring how particular understandings of development have given rise to particular kinds of development strategies at both the national and global levels. It then examines the relationship between globalization and development, in both empirical and theoretical terms. It also describes how conditions of ‘mal-development’ — or development failures — both arise from and are reinforced by globalization processes and the ways in which the world economy is governed.


1981 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 26-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunther Beyer

This article describes the human and socioeconomic aspects of the political refugee problem before and after World War II, and explains the facts which caused the flows of forced migrations throughout the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-499
Author(s):  
Destin Jenkins

This essay revisits Making the Second Ghetto to consider what Arnold Hirsch argued about the relationship between race, money, and the ghetto. It explores how Hirsch’s analysis of this relationship was at once consistent with those penned by other urban historians and distinct from those interested in the political economy of the ghetto. Although moneymaking was hardly the main focus, Hirsch’s engagement with “Vampire” rental agencies and panic peddlers laid the groundwork for an analysis that treats the post–World War II metropolis as a crucial node in the history of racial capitalism. Finally, this essay offers a way to connect local forms of violence to the kinds of constraints imposed by financiers far removed from the city itself.


Author(s):  
Rabi S. Bhagat ◽  
Annette S. McDevitt ◽  
B. Ram Baliga

Organizations that function across dissimilar nations and cultures are known as global organizations. Their origins may be in any of the globalized countries of the World Trade Organization as well as other supernational systems that coordinate activities of the United Nations and similar organizations. Global organizations are everywhere, and their growth has been phenomenal since World War II. Managing them effectively requires in-depth knowledge of the political and economic geography in which they operate. Along with such knowledge, managers must also discern the underpinnings of cultural and technological developments in their strategic planning and implementation. A few decades ago, an interdisciplinary perspective was not regarded as crucial in understanding the functioning of global organizations. However, in the complex and dynamic era of globalization, an interdisciplinary perspective is crucial. This book adopts this perspective and integrates the often conflicting and dynamic perspectives in a fashion that sheds light for understanding the nature of global organizations in the twenty-first century.


2019 ◽  
pp. 009614421987785
Author(s):  
Christoph Strupp

The resilience of cities is usually tested by acute catastrophes such as physical destruction by natural disasters or wars or long-term processes of economic decline. This article discusses another type of catastrophe and the response of the political and economic elite of the city to it in the form of a case study on Germany’s biggest seaport city Hamburg in the aftermath of World War II. Although the air war of 1943-1945 had seriously damaged large parts of the port of Hamburg, the physical reconstruction began soon after the end of the war and made steady progress. This aspect of the disaster of war was to be overcome within a few years. But the war and its aftermath of political confrontation between East and West had changed the geopolitical position of Hamburg and moved it from the center of Europe to the periphery of the West. The hinterland of the port in Eastern Europe was cut off. The founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 with its focus on the Rhine-Ruhr area further seemed to marginalize Hamburg. These developments were quickly perceived as a greater disaster than the physical destruction. This article examines the strategies developed by the political and economic leaders in Hamburg in the late 1940s and 1950s for dealing with processes they had no control over and could not directly influence.


Author(s):  
Silvija Ozola

The port city Liepaja had gained recognition in Europe and the world by World War I. On the coast of the Baltic Sea a resort developed, to which around 1880 a wide promenade – Kurhaus Avenue provided a functional link between the finance and trade centre in Old Liepaja. On November 8, 1890 the building conditions for Liepaja, developed according to the sample of Riga building regulations, were partly confirmed: the construction territory was divided into districts of wooden and stone buildings. In 1888 after the reconstruction of the trade canal Liepaja became the third most significant port in the Russian Empire. The railway (engineer Gavriil Semikolenov; 1879) and metal bridges (engineers Huten and Ruktesel; 1881) across the trade canal provided the link between Old Liepaja and the industrial territory in New Liepaja, where industrial companies and building of houses developed in the neighbourhood of the railway hub, but in spring 1899 the construction of a ten-kilometre long street electric railway line and power station was commenced. Since September 25 the tram movement provided a regular traffic between Naval Port (Latvian: Karosta), the residential and industrial districts in New Liepaja and the city centre in Old Liepaja. In 1907 the construction of the ambitious “Emperor Alexander’s III Military Port” and maritime fortress was completed, but already in the following year the fortress was closed. In the new military port there were based not only the navy squadrons of the Baltic Sea, but also the Pacific Ocean before sending them off in the war against Japan. The development of Liepaja continued: promenades, surrounded by Dutch linden trees, joined squares and parks in one united plantation system. On September 20, 1910 Liepaja City Council made a decision to close the New Market and start modernization of the city centre. In 1911 Liepaja obtained its symbol – the Rose Square. In the independent Republic of Latvia the implementation of the agrarian reform was started and the task to provide inhabitants with flats was set. Around 1927 in the Technical Department of Liepaja City the development of the master-plan was started: the territory of the city was divided into the industrial, commercial, residential and resort zone, which was greened. It was planned to lengthen Lord’s (Latvian: Kungu) Street with a dam, partly filling up Lake Liepaja in order to build the water-main and provide traffic with the eastern bank. The passed “Law of City Lands” and “Regulations for City Construction and Development of Construction Plans and Development Procedure” in Latvia Republic in 1928 promoted a gradual development of cities. In 1932 Liepaja received the radio transmitter. On the northern outskirts a sugar factory was built (architect Kārlis Bikše; 1933). The construction of the city centre was supplemented with the Latvian Society House (architect Kārlis Blauss and Valdis Zebauers; 1934-1935) and Army Economical Shop (architect Aleksandrs Racenis), as well as the building of a pawnshop and saving bank (architect Valdis Zebauers; 1936-1937). The hotel “Pēterpils”, which became the property of the municipality in 1936, was renamed as the “City Hotel” and it was rebuilt in 1938. In New Liepaja the Friendly Appeal Elementary school was built (architect Karlis Bikše), but in the Naval Officers Meeting House was restored and it was adapted for the needs of the Red Cross Bone Tuberculosis Sanatorium (architect Aleksandrs Klinklāvs; 1930-1939). The Soviet military power was restored in Latvia and it was included in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. During the World War II buildings in the city centre around the Rose Square and Great (Latvian: Lielā) Street were razed. When the war finished, the “Building Complex Scheme for 1946-1950” was developed for Liepaja. In August 1950 the city was announced as closed: the trade port was adapted to military needs. Neglecting the historical planning of the city, in 1952 the restoration of the city centre building was started, applying standard projects. The restoration of Liepaja City centre building carried out during the post-war period has not been studied. Research goal: analyse restoration proposals for Liepaja City centre building, destroyed during World War II, and the conception appropriate to the socialism ideology and further development of construction.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusanka Dobanovacki ◽  
Milan Breberina ◽  
Bozica Vujosevic ◽  
Marija Pecanac ◽  
Nenad Zakula ◽  
...  

Following the shift in therapy of tuberculosis in the mid-19th century, by the beginning of the 20th century numerous tuberculosis sanatoria were established in Western Europe. Being an institutional novelty in the medical practice, sanatoria spread within the first 20 years of the 20th century to Central and Eastern Europe, including the southern region of the Panonian plain, the present-day Province of Vojvodina in Serbia north of the rivers Sava and Danube. The health policy and regulations of the newly built state - the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia, provided a rather liberal framework for introducing the concept of sanatorium. Soon after the World War I there were 14 sanatoria in this region, and the period of their expansion was between 1920 and 1939 when at least 27 sanatoria were founded, more than half of the total number of 46 sanatoria in the whole state in that period. However, only two of these were for pulmonary diseases. One of them was privately owned the open public sanatorium the English-Yugoslav Hospital for Paediatric Osteo-Articular Tuberculosis in Sremska Kamenica, and the other was state-run (at Iriski venac, on the Fruska Gora mountain, as a unit of the Department for Lung Disease of the Main Regional Hospital). All the others were actually small private specialized hospitals in 6 towns (Novi Sad, Subotica, Sombor, Vrbas, Vrsac, Pancevo,) providing medical treatment of well-off, mostly gynaecological and surgical patients. The majority of sanatoria founded in the period 1920-1939 were in or close to the city of Novi Sad, the administrative headquarters of the province (the Danube Banovina at that time) with a growing population. A total of 10 sanatoria were open in the city of Novi Sad, with cumulative bed capacity varying from 60 to 130. None of these worked in newly built buildings, but in private houses adapted for medical purpose in accordance with legal requirements. The decline of sanatoria in Vojvodina began with the very outbreak of the World War II and they never regained their social role. Soon after the Hungarian fascist occupation the majority of owners/ founders were terrorized and forced to close their sanatoria, some of them to leave country and some were even killed or deported to concentration camps.


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