The Port of Hamburg in the 1940s and 1950s: Physical Reconstruction and Political Restructuring in the Aftermath of World War II

2019 ◽  
pp. 009614421987785
Author(s):  
Christoph Strupp
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
World War ◽  
Ruhr Area ◽  
Air War ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
The City

The resilience of cities is usually tested by acute catastrophes such as physical destruction by natural disasters or wars or long-term processes of economic decline. This article discusses another type of catastrophe and the response of the political and economic elite of the city to it in the form of a case study on Germany’s biggest seaport city Hamburg in the aftermath of World War II. Although the air war of 1943-1945 had seriously damaged large parts of the port of Hamburg, the physical reconstruction began soon after the end of the war and made steady progress. This aspect of the disaster of war was to be overcome within a few years. But the war and its aftermath of political confrontation between East and West had changed the geopolitical position of Hamburg and moved it from the center of Europe to the periphery of the West. The hinterland of the port in Eastern Europe was cut off. The founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 with its focus on the Rhine-Ruhr area further seemed to marginalize Hamburg. These developments were quickly perceived as a greater disaster than the physical destruction. This article examines the strategies developed by the political and economic leaders in Hamburg in the late 1940s and 1950s for dealing with processes they had no control over and could not directly influence.

Money and the Ghetto, Money in the Ghetto

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-499
Author(s):  
Destin Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
Racial Capitalism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This essay revisits Making the Second Ghetto to consider what Arnold Hirsch argued about the relationship between race, money, and the ghetto. It explores how Hirsch’s analysis of this relationship was at once consistent with those penned by other urban historians and distinct from those interested in the political economy of the ghetto. Although moneymaking was hardly the main focus, Hirsch’s engagement with “Vampire” rental agencies and panic peddlers laid the groundwork for an analysis that treats the post–World War II metropolis as a crucial node in the history of racial capitalism. Finally, this essay offers a way to connect local forms of violence to the kinds of constraints imposed by financiers far removed from the city itself.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Stangl
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Reconstruction Effort ◽  
The Future ◽  
The City

The center of Berlin lay in ruins at the end of World War II. Cultural and political leaders faced decisions regarding what to restore, rebuild, or raze. Yet the future of Berlin would not be envisioned in a vacuum. They would wittingly and unwittingly draw from inherited traditions, ideologies, and theories to structure their understanding of the city and guide decision-making about its future. For Berliners, the rebuilding of their destroyed city would remain a central part of their lives for years. Communist political leaders sought to mobilize the population for the reconstruction effort and to use this effort in the political socialization of the citizenry.

scholarly journals Shall Wagnerism have no Dominion?

Just Labour ◽  
1969 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Tucker
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Promising Alternative ◽  
Labour Rights ◽  
Wagner Act ◽  
As If

The Wagner Act Model has formed the basis of Canada’s collectivebargaining regime since World War II but has come under intense scrutiny inrecent years because of legislative weakening of collective bargaining rights,constitutional litigation defending collective bargaining rights and decliningunion density. This article examines and assesses these developments, arguingthat legislatively we have not witnessed a wholesale attack on Wagnerism, butrather a selective weakening of some of its elements. In the courts, it brieflyappeared as if the judiciary might constitutionalize meaningful labour rights andimpede the erosion of Wagnerism, but recent judicial case law suggests theprospects for this outcome are fading. While the political defence of Wagnerismmay be necessary when the alternatives to it are likely worse, holding on to whatwe’ve got will not reverse the long-term decline inunion density. The articleconcludes that at present there are no legal solutions to the labour movement’sproblems and that innovative efforts to represent workers’ collective interestsoutside of formal collective bargaining provide a more promising alternative.

The Urban/Suburban Divide

Latino City ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Llana Barber
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Housing Markets ◽  
White Flight ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
World War ◽  
Tax Base ◽  
Suburban Development ◽  
The City

Chapter One locates the roots of Lawrence's economic decline in suburban development from World War II until 1980. It focuses on white flight from the city and the divergent housing markets that developed between Lawrence and its suburbs. In addition, it traces the decline of Lawrence's economy and tax base in the postwar decades, arguing that suburban competition for industry and retail played a major role in eviscerating Lawrence's economy.

scholarly journals Inefficiency of SIR models in forecasting COVID-19 epidemic: a case study of Isfahan

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiva Moein ◽  
Niloofar Nickaeen ◽  
Amir Roointan ◽  
Niloofar Borhani ◽  
Zarifeh Heidary ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Sir Model ◽  
Detailed Knowledge ◽  
World War ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Isfahan Province ◽  
Stringency Level

AbstractThe multifaceted destructions caused by COVID-19 have been compared to that of World War II. What makes the situation even more complicated is the ambiguity about the duration and ultimate spread of the pandemic. It is especially critical for the governments, healthcare systems, and economic sectors to have an estimate of the future of this disaster. By using different mathematical approaches, including the classical susceptible-infected-recovered (SIR) model and its derivatives, many investigators have tried to predict the outbreak of COVID-19. In this study, we simulated the epidemic in Isfahan province of Iran for the period from Feb 14th to April 11th and also forecasted the remaining course with three scenarios that differed in terms of the stringency level of social distancing. Despite the prediction of disease course in short-term intervals, the constructed SIR model was unable to forecast the actual spread and pattern of epidemic in the long term. Remarkably, most of the published SIR models developed to predict COVID-19 for other communities, suffered from the same inconformity. The SIR models are based on assumptions that seem not to be true in the case of the COVID-19 epidemic. Hence, more sophisticated modeling strategies and detailed knowledge of the biomedical and epidemiological aspects of the disease are needed to forecast the pandemic.

scholarly journals Indicators of the Housing Stock in Zagreb from 1945 until the late 1960s

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-91
Author(s):  
Lidija Bencetić
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Urban Development ◽  
Rural Population ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Housing Stock ◽  
Housing Construction ◽  
World War ◽  
The City ◽  
Demographic Growth

This paper uses Zagreb as a case study for assessing the development of a socialist city and the housing issues that this development implied. After World War II, Zagreb experienced steep demographic growth owing to a large influx of rural population, and to a lesser extent as a result of natality increase. In 1946, the city had about 270 thousand inhabitants, and in 1969 about 570 thousand. Due to the accelerated industrial development, it needed new workforce, but lacked housing, and its infrastructure was not sufficiently developed to meet the needs of all its residents. Housing construction was based on both social and private initiatives, whereby socially funded projects were multi-storey buildings and the privately funded ones single-storey houses. Due to these private constructions, that is, houses with one storey only, Zagreb resembled a village rather than a city. In assessing the housing construction of Zagreb and its urban development in general after World War II, we are inclined to agree with Davor Stipetić’s statement that Zagreb arose as an architectural enterprise that lacked planning in its development.

How Did Germany Go Right?

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-136
Author(s):  
Charles S. Maier
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Holy Roman Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
German History ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist

To set a single agenda for German history would be a foolhardy task, but let us begin with a major generalization about the long-term development of the field. Two mega-issues have dominated the historiography and debates for a century or more, standing on the path of historical research like some huge boulders that can not be moved or even circumvented. The first concerns how the German communities of Central Europe had constructed a nation-state—Tantae molis erat Germanam condere gentem, to adapt Vergil. There was a Prussian-centered statist answer by scholars including Leopold von Ranke, Heinrich von Treitschke, and Friedrich Meinecke, and continuing through Christopher Clark'sIron Kingdom. A more decentered approach has, by contrast, stressed local experiences; liberal and participatory currents of a political or religious (often Roman Catholic in sympathy, e.g., the work of Franz Schnabel) or cultural nature; and, finally, the heritage of a federalist constitutionalism, whether instantiated in the Holy Roman Empire or in the later celebratory afterglow ofHeimat. The second mega-issue that dominated the historiography for the first generation—perhaps half-century—after World War II and the collapse of Nazism was one that I was asked about at my undergraduate oral examinations in the spring of 1960: Where did Germany go wrong? The catastrophic career of National Socialist Germany, both internally and for Europe in general, compelled my generation and later ones never to lose sight of that issue. Even those who rejected claims about long-term disabling flaws in the emergence of liberal democracy—the political original sin, so to speak—had to address that fundamental issue.

scholarly journals Le elezioni amministrative del 2014 a Perugia: la fine di un sistema politico locale

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Power ◽  
World War ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City

The Italian local election held in spring 2014 resulted in a surprising political landscape. In particular, in the Umbrian town of Perugia, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition has lost the political leadership of the city, after having administered for almost seventy years after the end of World War II. In Umbrian capital in fact the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party was defeated after the second round by the candidate of the centre-right coalition. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. After this analysis, a comparison with the case of the 2014 municipal elections of Livorno will be provided. As a conclusion, the article tries to understand if the political changes experienced by both Perugia and Livorno can be a signal of a big transformation of local power and if they can also be extended to other territories.

Ancient Maya Queenship

2020 ◽  
pp. 196-217
Author(s):  
Olivia C. Navarro-Farr ◽  
Keith Eppich ◽  
David A. Freidel ◽  
Griselda Pérez Robles
Keyword(s):  
Classic Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancient Maya ◽  
Late Classic ◽  
Political Network ◽  
Monumental Sculpture ◽  
Early Classic Period ◽  
The City

Olivia Navarro-Farr and colleagues explore another example of how the Snake Kings manipulated the political landscape of the Classic period with a fascinating case study in ancient Maya queenship at Waka’ in Chapter 10. Waka’ was first embroiled by the geopolitics of the lowlands during the Teotihuacan entrada of AD 378, after which the kingdom was apparently incorporated into the New Order’s political network based at Tikal. Kaanul subsequently brought Waka’ into its hegemony near the end of the Early Classic period with the marriage of the first of at least three royal Kaanul women to kings of Waka’. Beyond simply telling this story, Chapter 10 explores monumentality in two ways. First, Waka’ is presented as a contested node on the vast political and economic network of the Classic period, its importance evident in its role in the entrada, the deliberate and long-term strategy to integrate it into the Kaanul hegemony through royal marriage, and Tikal’s Late Classic star war conquest of Waka’ in AD 743. Second, Navarro-Farr and colleagues examine how, through reverential manipulation of monumental sculpture and architecture, the occupants of Waka’ continued to honor the great Kaanul queens for over a century following the failure of institutional kingship at the city.

scholarly journals Le elezioni comunali del 2014 a Livorno

2015 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City

The local elections that were held in spring 2014 led to the renewal of the Municipal Councils and Mayors of over 4,000 Italian cities. The electoral results were hardly predictable by the political analysts. This is particularly true in the case of the Tuscan town of Livorno, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition had lost the political leadership of the city, after having governed for almost seventy years after the end of the World War II. In Livorno the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party has been defeated after the second round by the candidate of the Five Star Movement. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. Finally, the article tries to provide some conclusive remarks.  

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