scholarly journals Archaeology and Indian identity - recent developments in the Americas.

2002 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Stanisław Iwaniszewski

Short description by Editorial Team: The article aims to describe the outcomes of interactions between pre-Columbian archaeology and the indigenous population. First it tries to explain why certain methodological approaches are present in Latin American archaeologies. It examines earlier suggestions that Latin American archaeologies were oriented toward nationalism and relate to modern national identities. Because of this, Latin American archaeologies may not focus on the subject of their studies, pre-Columbian past, as a past of modern indigenous groups. US archaeologists, tend to bring this perspective in their work both in US and in Latin American countries. Iwaniszewski discusses in several examples the outcomes of such an approach. He concludes with the important remark that use of similar approach could bring certain gains to Polish archaeology.  

2021 ◽  
pp. e20200014
Author(s):  
Sitara Thobani

The development of the Hindi/Urdu cinema is intimately connected to the history of artistic performance in India in two important ways. Not only did hereditary music and dance practitioners play key roles in building this cinema, representations of these performers and their practices have been, and continue to be, the subject of Indian film narratives, genres, and tropes. I begin with this history in order to explore the Muslim religio-cultural and artistic inheritance that informs Hindi/Urdu cinema, as well as examine how this heritage has been incorporated into the cinematic narratives that help construct distinct gendered, religious, and national identities. My specific focus is on the figure of the tawa’if dancer, often equated with North Indian culture and nautch dance performance. Analyzing the ways in which traces of the tawa’if appear in two recent films, Dedh Ishqiya and Begum Jaan, I show how this figure is placed in a larger representational regime that sustains nationalist formations of contemporary Indian identity. As I demonstrate, even in the most blatant attempts to define the Indian nation as “Hindu,” the “Muslimness” of the tawa’if—and by extension the cinema she informed in ways both real and representational—is far from relinquished.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 889-897 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Needler

One way of acquiring insight into the processes of political development in Latin America is to compare the countries of the area systematically in terms of the “degree of development” which each can be said to have attained. Ideally, such an enterprise can lead to the understanding of the past history of the “more developed” countries by reference to the present problems of the “less developed” while an understanding of the problems confronting the more developed countries can make possible a glimpse into the future of those now less developed. Isolation of the factors responsible for a state's being more or less developed can moreover prove instructive for the understanding of the relations between political and socioeconomic phenomena.Perhaps most important, such comparisons provide the means for holding constant effects attributable to characteristics shared by all, or nearly all, of the Latin American countries. Thus it can be argued with much plausibility that military intervention in politics, say, derives from elements in the Hispanic tradition. Yet it is clear that the frequency of military intervention varies from country to country, even where they share equally in that tradidition. Thus one is forced to go beyond the “Hispanic tradition” thesis with which the investigation might otherwise have come to rest.In the present article I will be concerned with the problem of the relation of political development to socioeconomic development in the Latin American context. For reasons that will become apparent below, I will not at this point attempt a rigorous analysis of the concept of political development, which has already been the subject of a large and rapidly growing literature.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Donoso - Diaz ◽  
Juan Pablo Fernandez -Negrete ◽  
Daniel Reyes Araya

This study exposes the opinions of a group of former directors of public schools in Chile who were selected by the system of high public management, and who had to leave their posts before the end of their appointment period. The responses evidence the fragility of the local organization of public education, in terms of the interference of the local political authority in the early dismissal of school leaders and identify the various pressures the leaders received from the higher authorities in the exercise of their position. The main problems they faced were the lack of support during the installation phases as well as a lack of monitoring and evaluation of their performance, which are widespread among Latin American countries, given the trends. This paper examines the selection process for High Public Management, the background on the subject, the answers of the interviewees, and an analysis of the interviews. It concludes with some proposals to improve the selection system. 


2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
PAMELA K. STARR

ABSTRACT The capacity of dollarization to generate stable growth in Latin America despite occasional instability in the international financial system has been the subject of significant economic analysis in recent years. Yet very little attention has been afforded to the politics of the issue. This paper attempts to fill this void by looking at both the political and the economic factors which influence the policy effectiveness of dollarization. The paper reviews the theoretic and policy debate within which the dollarization question is situated and then develops an informal model of the political and economic variables which influence the viability of dollarization. It concludes that although dollarization may be the correct policy choice for some Latin American countries, it is unlikely to benefit the majority. Most Latin American countries would benefit more from directly addressing the forces know to promote economic instability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (316) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Eduardo Ramírez Cedillo ◽  
Francisco López Herrera

<p>Se analiza la relación del crecimiento económico con el gasto público de 16 países latinoamericanos de 1990 a 2017. Este trabajo contribuye a la literatura sobre el tema enfocándose en la región. Los resultados de un modelo para paneles cointegrados respaldan la ley de Wagner en el largo plazo y brindan evidencia parcial a favor de las hipótesis de Keynes en el corto plazo.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">PUBLIC SPENDING AND GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA:</p><p align="center">WAGNER´S LAW AND KEYNES’S HYPOTHESIS<strong></strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The relationship between economic growth and public spending in 16 Latin American countries from 1990 to 2017 is analyzed. This paper contributes to the literature on the subject focusing on the region. The results from a model of cointegrated panels support Wagner’s Law in the long term and provides partial evidence in favor of the Keynesian hypotheses in the short term.</p>


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo A. Rueda

AbstractIntroductionIndigenous Peoples’ struggle to be acknowledged as autonomous groups has found international legal support in the ILO Convention 169, which many Latin American countries have ratified. The way by which regional constitutional jurisprudence has reconstructed the foundations and scope of this right to self-determination seems, however, quite controversial. Firstly, taking Colombian constitutional jurisprudence as an example, I discuss both the acceptability of the restrictions the Constitutional Court has fixed to groups’ self-determination and the acceptability of defining them as collective subjects. Having in mind a better understanding of group-differentiated rights, I examine, secondly, how the conditions of the ILO Convention regarding the informed consent from indigenous groups should be satisfied when group-based genetic research is to be developed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
Belén Gesto ◽  
Guillermo Gómez ◽  
Julián Salas

While the illegal occupation of land by families lacking the means to acquire housing on the market is hardly front page news in Latin America, it may not merit the silence to which it has been relegated of late. The authors, who formed part of a research team on the subject, conclude that urban squatting is still very common today. The team found that most Latin American countries are amending their municipal, provincial and national legislation in this regard and backing programmes for consolidation and improvement. In a nutshell, they are adopting a more tolerant attitude toward squatting. The authors believe that the Guided Occupancy Programme successfully implemented by the city of Trujillo, Peru, for over a decade, constitutes an exemplary approach to the problem. While not necessarily constituting a universal solution, it can be viewed as a viable and reproducible alternative in situations of widespread poverty.


1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 805-820 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Mathews

Although my subject is President Roosevelt's Latin-American policy (to March, 1935), I shall take the liberty of treating it in a broad way so as to include some developments prior to the advent of the Roosevelt Administration, in order to have a background for the better understanding of the more recent developments.Although the subject, as stated, envisages merely foreign policy, it should be borne in mind that foreign policy and domestic policy cannot be kept entirely separate, as if they existed in water-tight compartments. A united front in foreign policy is sometimes urged, and it is argued that party politics, as the saying goes, should stop at the water's edge. This, however, is a specious argument intended to put into the position of being unpatriotic those who oppose the foreign policy of the Administration. A united front in respect to foreign relations is no more possible or to be expected than in domestic affairs, because foreign and domestic affairs are closely related.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 1042-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Alejandro Silva Rodríguez de San Miguel

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the measures taken by the Mexican Government in relation to the country’s climate change and its management to improve it. Design/methodology/approach Much of the information which has guided this review was sourced from official documents referred to the climate change initiatives in Mexico, especially technical reports and working papers. The selection of literature was considered based on its recency, academic importance and veracity. The studies selected mainly ranged from 2001 to 2017. Findings This review finds that further research is required to assess Mexico’s climate change efforts objectively, which will help to ascertain if the nation’s plans and commitment are as ambitious and strong as the country claims. Research limitations/implications Most of the literature considered in this review was sourced from official documents and has not been subject to extensive academic peer review to guarantee that national decision and policy making are based on reliable scientific knowledge. Originality/value Mexico is one of the first countries to introduce a law dedicated to climate change, and its inclusion of short-term climate pollutants in its National Climate Change Strategy makes it more ambitious than that of many other Latin American countries. However, literature on the subject is limited and fragmented.


Author(s):  
Timur Nelin ◽  

Introduction. Donald Trump’s policy towards the Latin American region and illegal Latino migrants was often criticized by mass media. Many experts admit that over four years of his presidency U.S. cooperation with Latin American countries was severely “undermined”. This negative trend should have been the subject of discussion of candidates for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. The purpose of the article is to find out what aspects of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were used by the candidates in their campaign statements, for what he was criticized and praised. Methods and Materials. The research is based on the analysis of candidates’ election programs and speeches. Donald Trump’s annual messages to Congress are analyzed as well. The author researches the programs of those candidates who reached the final stage of the 2020 elections and those who were most popular at the beginning of 2020 but lost the primaries. In addition to general scientific research methods, the author uses methods of discourse analysis and comparative analysis. Analysis. Almost all the candidates criticized the policy of Donald Trump in different way. The main issues were President’s approaches to Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela and dealing with illegal immigrants. Trump’s policy didn’t receive explicit approval from any candidate. Among all the contenders for the post of U.S. President, only Joe Biden offered a more or less developed plan for establishing relations with the Central America countries. Results. The author showers that main directions of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were not criticized. But the methods of this policy were criticized a lot. Most part of the Latin America region generally fell out of the U.S. foreign policy discourse. And it was almost not represented in the candidates programs and speeches. This suggests that real shifts in the Latin American direction of the U.S. foreign policy will not occur in the coming years.


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