scholarly journals White Women Mothering Mixed-Race Children in a Black-White Interracial Relationship

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Lu Chen

It is over five decades since ‘River of Blood,’ the speech about race in Britain, has been acknowledged as the symbol of discrimination towards immigration and minorities like Black British. Meanwhile, America, as another traditional western cultural center, has faced more serious issues during the process of human equality. Loving. V. Virginia, as a legal milestone of Civil Rights in the US, has influenced the public attitude of the majority towards interracial union; however, the discrimination and prejudice have become more invisible via the changing of societal environment.  Although the anti-miscegenation movement has been treated as the big step of human rights, the union between black and white faces misunderstanding, even stigmas in their daily lives.  Hence, taking black-white interracial relationships as examples, from white women’s perspective, this essay will examine the dilemma between their own cognition of cultural identities and being partially embedded into a different culture when ‘marrying-out’ and raising mixed-race children. 

Author(s):  
Hai Leong Toh

A VIEW FROM SINGAPORE The very first images I had of black-and-white sexual attraction were those from 100 Rifles (Tom Gries, 1969) where Jim Brown makes passionate love to Raquel Welch and in the slick Shaft (Gordon Parks, 1971) where the tough private detective Richard Roundtree has a fine wet time in the shower with a prostitute. The theme of interracial or mixed-race sex and marriage has been, since D. W. Griffith's time, problematic for Hollywood, the world's greatest Dream Factory. The most prominent film to treat this theme seriously is arguably Stanley Kramer's Guess Who's Coming to Dinner (1967). The question of interracial relationship is more sublimated in this film, where Katherine confesses to her mother (Katharine Hepburn), she and Sidney Poitier have not had sex because "he wouldn't let me!" Though controversial in the tumultuous Civil Rights era, it now looks tame and timid as a social...


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICKY CASHMAN

Last night I dreamed of the dead slaves – all the murdered black and bloody men silently gathered at the foot-a my bed. Oh, that awful silence. I wish the dead could scream and fight back. What they do to us …Julia Augustine, Wedding BandHistorical and universal issues of love and hate, patriarchy and bigotry prevail in Alice Childress's tragic drama Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White. Originally written in the early 1960s, the play was not printed or performed professionally until 1966, despite some interest in producing the play on Broadway. Hence, due to its alleged controversial subject matter, the play remained largely unknown to mainstream audiences. Childress, it seems, unfashionably portrays a long-standing, committed interracial relationship set in 1918 South Carolina. This representation conflictingly juxtaposes with the well-documented fervent civil rights period of the mid-1960s. Additionally, with predominantly black and white male civil rights activists peacefully enforcing laws upholding desegregation in the South, Childress demonstrates segregation's insidious nature primarily through the insightfulness and experience of black women. This perceptiveness introduces what Childress herself penned as “anti-woman laws,” patriarchal norms that made living incredibly difficult for black and white women alike.


Author(s):  
Eric S. Yellin

In 1931, nine young African-American men were accused of raping two white women in northern Alabama while traveling on a train from Chattanooga to Memphis, Tennessee. The young men—Olen Montgomery, Clarence Norris, Haywood Patterson, Ozie Powell, Willie Roberson, Charlie Weems, Eugene Williams, Andy Wright, and Roy Wright—were innocent. Saved from a mob lynching, they nonetheless endured a series of unfair trials over seven years; eight received death sentences. (Roy Wright, just turned thirteen, was held in limbo until 1937 because of his youth.) Embraced by the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) as well as a broad collection of left-wing organizations and artists, the fight for the young men’s lives became an international movement. Their defense was eventually paid for by the CPUSA and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and taken on by Samuel Liebowitz, a celebrated criminal attorney whose Judaism invited vicious anti-Semitism from white southerners. Their case led to two landmark Supreme Court case rulings regarding due process and equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment: Powell v. Alabama (1932) reversed the defendants’ convictions based on inadequate counsel, while Norris v. Alabama (1935) established that officials in Alabama had violated the defendants’ constitutional rights by excluding black Alabamans from juries. Over the course of the trials, the two accusers—Ruby Bates and Victoria Price—were celebrated as the epitome of southern white womanhood and then maligned as lying “white trash” harlots. That Bates later recanted and campaigned for the defendants’ freedom did little to earn her full personhood in the received history. The “Scottsboro Boys” spent years, some more than a decade, in America’s worst prisons and suffered physical and psychological damage that would prove irreparable. Five of the defendants were released when the prosecution chose not to proceed with their cases in 1937, though this nolle prosequi decision was not an acquittal, exoneration, or apology. The last to remain in jail, Andy Wright, was released in 1950. Alabama Governor George Wallace pardoned the last living Scottsboro defendant, Clarence Norris, in 1976. Finally, in April 2013, Alabama changed its law to allow posthumous pardons, and the remaining three defendants were officially pardoned that November. The Scottsboro case is a crucial part of the histories of African Americans, the US South, race and gender in the 20th-century United States, the transnational modern civil rights and labor movements, the Great Depression, and the US justice system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 014616722095398
Author(s):  
Edward P. Lemay ◽  
Joshua E. Ryan

Integrating theory on interpersonal relationships and intergroup relations, this research examined the role of common ingroup recategorization (i.e., perceiving outgroup members as belonging to the same superordinate group as oneself) in fostering communal interracial relationships. A cross-sectional study (Study 1) and a short-term intensive longitudinal study (Study 2) involving Black and White friendship and romantic dyads suggested that recategorization predicted greater communal motivation and security via perceived similarity. These effects were found in terms of both enduring characteristics and changes over time. In turn, communal motivation and security predicted greater self-reported prosocial behavior and relationship satisfaction, suggesting that they are beneficial to interracial relationship quality. Communal motivation also predicted increases over time in recategorization and perceived similarity, suggesting bidirectional effects. Taken together, these results suggest a reciprocal process in which common ingroup recategorization and perceptions of similarity promote and derive from the communal nature of interracial relationships.


Author(s):  
Theresa A. Case

This chapter establishes the importance of African American shop workers to Texas railroad hubs such as Marshall, Texas, and explores black responses to the 1922 National Railroad Shopmen’s Strike. Newspaper sources reveal that, while some Texas black and white shopmen cooperated in the 1922 walkout, 216 black shopmen in Marshall dramatically broke with the town’s white strikers and the mass of white citizens who supported them: the 216 petitioned the US government and the Texas & Pacific Railway for protection of their return to work against pro-strike violence and intimidation. The chapter contends that the Marshall petitioners found encouragement not only in WWI-era federal policies and civil rights activism but also in the opportunities for black education and stable family life in Marshall. In addition, an earlier rejection of interracial labor solidarity by Marshall’s white shopmen may have played a role. How, in the aftermath of the strike’s defeat, black shopmen and their families related to each other, and to the town’s developing civil rights movement, is a question ripe for investigation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 211-235
Author(s):  
Angus Nurse ◽  
Mark Walters

This chapter addresses hate crimes, which are complex, as these offences can be linked to both personal gain or even profit, as well as concepts such as ‘difference’ and ‘othering’. This area of criminology came about primarily because the civil rights movements in the US and the UK raised the profile of racist and (later) homophobic violence so that they became important political and social issues. The chapter looks at a range of different types of hate crime, including offences based on prejudice towards victims because of their disability, race or ethnicity, religion or beliefs, sexual orientation, and gender identity. It also identifies some of the factors that can affect these offences in ways that are not immediately obvious. These elements include the influence politicians can have, especially when using language that excludes minority groups and portrays them as a threat to the public or as somehow being ‘Other’ (different and arguably not to be trusted).


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tuuri

In the fall of 1963, the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) took steps to become more directly involved in the civil rights movement when Dorothy Height travelled with a small interracial team of elite clubwomen to investigate the abuse of activist children imprisoned in Selma. The team moved behind the scenes and tried to establish ties with local black and white women to better support the movement. After the Selma trip, white team member Polly Cowan developed plans to bring additional teams of interracial middle and upper class women down to the South. At a March 1964 Atlanta meeting of black and white southern clubwomen, Clarie Collins Harvey, a black businesswoman and clubwoman from Jackson, Mississippi, invited Cowan and the NCNW to provide support to civil rights efforts in Jackson. Her invitation led Cowan and Height to develop plans for Wednesdays in Mississippi to help with Freedom Summer.


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