scholarly journals El debate sobre el gobierno en la Nueva Granada: un análisis léxico métrico de la prensa (1810-1820) / The Debate about the Government in New Granada: A Metric Lexical Analysis of the Press (1810-1820)

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Julián Enrique Penagos Carreño

ABSTRACTThe present work is aimed at exposing a part of the research called “Cultural History of the Press in Colombia (1810-1820).” It performed a metric lexical analysis to six newspapers of the time. This paper deals with the reflection that was done around the issue of government in Nueva Granada during the Napoleonic invasions. It is a situation characterized by a power emptiness in the colonies due to the abdication and subsequent arrest of King Ferdinand VII. The discussion staged in newspapers shows the ideological fragmentation of neogranadinos enlightened and struggles of significance in relation to the form of government, loyalty to the king and the legitimacy of independence.RESUMENEl presente trabajo tiene como objetivo exponer una parte de la investigación “Historia Cultural de la Prensa en Colombia (1810-1820)” que realizó un análisis léxico métrico a seis periódicos de la época. Este ensayo trata sobre la reflexión que se hacía en torno a la problemática del gobierno en la Nueva Granada durante las invasiones napoleónicas. Es una coyuntura caracterizada por un vacío de poder en las colonias debido a la abdicación y posterior arresto del rey Fernando VII. La discusión escenificada en los periódicos muestra la fragmentación ideológica de los ilustrados neogranadinos y las luchas de significación con respecto a la forma de gobierno, la lealtad al rey y la legitimidad de la independencia.

Author(s):  
Gilberto Enrique Parada García

ResumenEl tema de este análisis es la historia de la prensa que se publicó durante la República de Nueva Granada (1830-1858). El trabajo pretende señalar el lugar que aquella ocupó en la vida pública de los neogranadinos. Para tal fin, se priorizan los casos en los cuales la prensa registró algunos eventos críticos del ámbito de la política, de ahí que se concluye que los periódicos cumplieron tres funciones esenciales. De una parte, fueron una herramienta pedagógica de los gobiernos para inculcar en los lectores una cultura del republicanismo. En segundo lugar, sirvieron como un amplificador del caos; por último se convirtieron en el escenario extrajurídico para resolver litigios durante las guerras. Palabras clave: Historia de la prensa, política, sensacionalismo, justicia, guerra.*********************************************************Sensationalism, justice and governance in the Nueva Granada press, 1830-1858AbstractThe subject of this analysis is the history of the press which was published during the Republic of New Granada (1830-1858). The work aims to point out the place that occupied in the public life of the New Granada people. For this purpose, are prioritized the cases in which the press recorded some critical of the scope of the policy events, hence, it is concluded that newspapers met three essential functions. First, were an educational tool of Governments to inculcate a culture of republicanism in readers. Second, they served as an amplifier of chaos; Finally became the extra-legal scenario to resolve disputes during the wars. Key words: History of the press, political, sensationalism, justice, war.**********************************************************Sensacionalismo, justiça e governo nos jornais neogranadinos, 1830-1858ResumoO tema desta análise é a história dos jornais que foram publicados durantes a República de Nueva Granada (1830-1858). O trabalho pretende sinalizar o lugar que aqueles ocuparam na vida pública dos neogranadinos. Para tal finalidade, se priorizam os casos nos quais os jornais registraram alguns eventos críticos do âmbito da política, daí se conclui que os jornais cumpriram três funções essenciais. De uma parte, foram ferramenta pedagógica dos governos para inculcar nos leitores uma cultura do republicanismo. No segundo termo, serviram como um amplificador do caos; por último, se converteram no cenário extrajurídico para resolver litígios durante as guerras. Palavras chave: História dos jornais, política, sensacionalismo, justiça, guerra.


1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-873 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

ABSTRACTGenerally dismissed by historians as just an hysterical gesture by parliamentary whig leaders disappointed and angered over the failure of the second Exclusion Bill, the attempted impeachment in 1680–1 of Sir William Scroggs was in fact a complicated and important affair. Although a failure in legal terms (because King Charles dissolved two parliaments), it succeeded in political terms when the king dismissed Scroggs. A propaganda ploy to embarrass the duke of York and also the king of England, re-unite the whig party, and re-ignite anti-popery fervour to promote another try at Exclusion (contrary to recent revisionism), the proceedings provoked discussion of many central issues, but most importantly of the legislative authority of parliament, or control of the law; the affair provoked a ‘crisis of authority’. Print culture played an unprecedented role: four of the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs were connected with the press. Press people, in effect, brought down a chief minister of the crown and severely embarrassed the government, an event of signal importance in the history of the press.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. e34753
Author(s):  
Adelaide Maria Muralha Vieira Machado

This is a study of cultural history that intends to analyse the importance of the international gatherings for the history of the press and journalism. The congresses and their theoretical work provided an important contribution to the exposure and the deepening of those issues that, in the Lisbon Congress, led to the approval of a directive by which each national association should promote journalism within higher education. Centred in this event demonstrates how, without losing completely the sense of mission, journalism became a regulated profession and the journalist a professional with rights and duties inherent in that condition. In connection, the beginnings of the press as mega-industry and the position of the journalist as an employee in the cultural and political global context, with all the class associations, the alliances and social cleavages that this growth caused along the 20th century were patent in the debate occurred in Lisbon, substantiating it in a particularly decisive period of the evolution of democratic society. As a symptom of growth and adaptation, the debate during the Congress crisscrossed several important positions regarding the evolution of journalism, both as an idea and a concept, and as a profession. In addition tobeing a contribution to the research of the history of the press and its main actors in a little-studied chapter the international relations of the press, the relevance of this study lies in the fact of opening for current debates and reflection helping to understand the failures and achievements of contemporaneity.


Author(s):  
Romina Garcilazo

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar ciertos tópicos que recorren la llamada “Nueva” Historia Cultural de la Corrupción Política como aquellos que pivotean en torno a los términos vinculados al concepto de corrupción, las percepciones que los protagonistas esgrimen respecto a los hechos escandalosos, la derivación de las denuncias en investigaciones gubernamentales y presentaciones judiciales y la actuación de la prensa en el proceso investigativo. Para ello, nos centraremos en la pesquisa emprendida por el comisionado gubernamental Ricardo Pillado en el Banco Provincial de Santa Fe (Argentina) referida a las anomalías registradas en la entidad durante los años anteriores a la crisis de 1890. El caso resulta significativo porque, por primera vez, las denuncias de corrupción sobre lo sucedido en la institución bancaria no provenían de la esfera periodística, sino que eran originadas desde el ámbito estatal. This article aims to analyze certain topics that run through the so-called “New” Cultural History of Political Corruption, such as those that revolve around the terms related to the concept of corruption, the perceptions that the protagonists hold regard to the scandalous events the derivation of denunciation in government investigations and judicial presentations and the role played by the press in the investigative process. To this end, we will focus on the research undertaken by the government commissioner, Ricardo Pillado, in the Provincial Bank of Santa Fe (Argentina) referring to the anomalies registered in the entity during the years preceding the crisis of 1890. The case is significant because, for the first time, the denunciation of corruption in the banking institution did not come from the journalistic sphere but originated from the state level.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (II) ◽  
pp. 356-368
Author(s):  
Muhammad Tariq ◽  
Muhammad Shoaib Malik ◽  
Ghulam Qumber

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.


Author(s):  
Neil Blain ◽  
David Hutchison

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-190
Author(s):  
Mary Wills

This chapter examines officers’ contributions to the metropolitan discourses about slavery and abolition taking place in Britain in the early to mid-nineteenth century. Furthering the theme of naval officers playing an important part in the social and cultural history of the West African campaign, it uncovers connections between the Royal Navy and domestic anti-slavery networks, and the extent to which abolitionist societies and interest groups operating in Britain during the first half of the nineteenth century forged relationships with naval officers in the field. Officers contributed to this ever-evolving anti-slavery culture: through support of societies and by providing key testimonies and evidence about the unrelenting transatlantic slave trade. Their representations of the slave trade were used to champion the abolitionist cause, as well as the role of the Royal Navy, in parliament, the press and other public arenas.


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