The attempted impeachment of Sir William Scroggs, Lord Chief Justice of the court of King's Bench, November 1680–March 1681

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-873 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer
Keyword(s):  
Print Culture ◽  
Whig Party ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
Chief Justice ◽  
Chief Minister ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
History Of The Press

ABSTRACTGenerally dismissed by historians as just an hysterical gesture by parliamentary whig leaders disappointed and angered over the failure of the second Exclusion Bill, the attempted impeachment in 1680–1 of Sir William Scroggs was in fact a complicated and important affair. Although a failure in legal terms (because King Charles dissolved two parliaments), it succeeded in political terms when the king dismissed Scroggs. A propaganda ploy to embarrass the duke of York and also the king of England, re-unite the whig party, and re-ignite anti-popery fervour to promote another try at Exclusion (contrary to recent revisionism), the proceedings provoked discussion of many central issues, but most importantly of the legislative authority of parliament, or control of the law; the affair provoked a ‘crisis of authority’. Print culture played an unprecedented role: four of the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs were connected with the press. Press people, in effect, brought down a chief minister of the crown and severely embarrassed the government, an event of signal importance in the history of the press.

scholarly journals El debate sobre el gobierno en la Nueva Granada: un análisis léxico métrico de la prensa (1810-1820) / The Debate about the Government in New Granada: A Metric Lexical Analysis of the Press (1810-1820)

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Julián Enrique Penagos Carreño
Keyword(s):  
Cultural History ◽  
Lexical Analysis ◽  
New Granada ◽  
The Press ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Nueva Granada ◽  
History Of The Press

ABSTRACTThe present work is aimed at exposing a part of the research called “Cultural History of the Press in Colombia (1810-1820).” It performed a metric lexical analysis to six newspapers of the time. This paper deals with the reflection that was done around the issue of government in Nueva Granada during the Napoleonic invasions. It is a situation characterized by a power emptiness in the colonies due to the abdication and subsequent arrest of King Ferdinand VII. The discussion staged in newspapers shows the ideological fragmentation of neogranadinos enlightened and struggles of significance in relation to the form of government, loyalty to the king and the legitimacy of independence.RESUMENEl presente trabajo tiene como objetivo exponer una parte de la investigación “Historia Cultural de la Prensa en Colombia (1810-1820)” que realizó un análisis léxico métrico a seis periódicos de la época. Este ensayo trata sobre la reflexión que se hacía en torno a la problemática del gobierno en la Nueva Granada durante las invasiones napoleónicas. Es una coyuntura caracterizada por un vacío de poder en las colonias debido a la abdicación y posterior arresto del rey Fernando VII. La discusión escenificada en los periódicos muestra la fragmentación ideológica de los ilustrados neogranadinos y las luchas de significación con respecto a la forma de gobierno, la lealtad al rey y la legitimidad de la independencia.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Penghakiman oleh Pers Nasional: Suatu Kritik atas Kebebasan Pers dalam Pemberitaan Perkara Tindak Pidana Korupsi

Humaniora ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Vidya Prahassacitta
Keyword(s):  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
High Position ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Press ◽  
Freedom Of Press ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency. 

The History of the Press

2008 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Neil Blain ◽  
David Hutchison
Keyword(s):  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of The Press

Figure 2.8: numbered format of extract 2 1 This is not a battle between the freedom of religion 2 and the freedom of the press; 3 two freedoms which we treasure greatly. 4 This is rather a battle of right and wrong. 5 Has the Daily Mail infringed the plaintiff’s right to a good, clean reputation, 6 or has the plaintiff Mr Orme in all the circumstances no right to any reputation at all in this case because of what he and his organisation have done and do? 7 Was the Daily Mail wrong about its allegations in its article? 8 Was it wrong about its allegations during this case? 9 Or was the plaintiff wrong; 10 was the plaintiff giving a false picture? 11 That is what it is, members of the jury, not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion, 12 but a battle of right and wrong. Looking at Figure 2.8, above, the first two and last two sentences of the extract (lines 1, 2, 11 and 12) form a ‘sandwich’ comprising repetition of the main assertion that the case is not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion. It is as if he is saying that the argument is so because ‘I say so, twice!’. Another example of repetition is found in the structure of the run of three rhetorical questions, both in terms of length and the use of amplification through alliteration: ‘was juxtaposed with wrong’ in lines 7, 8 and 9. The structure of the extract also demonstrates that the judge has the authority to impose that reading of events. For he says, in line 11, ‘This is what it is, members of the jury’. Who is the ‘we’ found in line 3? (a) Is it the royal ‘we’, symbolising the ultimate authority of the court? (b) Is it merely the judge? (c) Does it include judge and jury? ‘We’ is undeniably an inclusive term. It is suggested that, in this instance, the judge is talking in relation to the court and the law, as an official spokesman of the law. The choice of the word ‘battle’, as part of what turns out to be a continuing war metaphor which runs throughout the entire summing up, as a major organising theme that argument is war, is interesting. The word ‘fight’ or ‘skirmish’ is not chosen, but ‘battle’. The reference to battle puts the case ‘high up’ in a hierarchy of modes of physical fighting—for example skirmish, scrap, fight, battle. Battle denotes that opposing armies gather together with their greatest degree of strength to fight for as long as it takes for a clear victor. Of course, it is not unusual to find ‘fighting’ metaphors used to describe English trials. Because of their accusatorial nature (‘He did it judge.’ ‘No, he did it judge.’). Early in the history of English dispute resolution, trial by battle (a physical fight) was used to determine guilt and innocence as a perfectly acceptable alternative to trial by law.

2012 ◽  
pp. 39-39
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Freedom Of Religion ◽  
Daily Mail ◽  
Physical Fighting ◽  
Acceptable Alternative ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Law ◽  
War Metaphor ◽  
Rhetorical Questions

Lachish

2020 ◽  
pp. 125-156
Author(s):  
Billie Melman
Keyword(s):  
Daily Life ◽  
British Museum ◽  
Documentary Films ◽  
Biblical Archaeology ◽  
The Press ◽  
National Archives ◽  
History Of ◽  
Museum Archives ◽  
The Government ◽  
Visual Materials

Focusing on one archaeological mound, Tell ed-Duweir, in the lowland region of Palestine, in the vicinity of Hebron, identified as biblical Lachish, the fortress city in the kingdom of Judah, Chapter 4 moves between London, the Tell, and its neighbouring villages. The chapter is a history of a landmark excavation, which uncovers the variety of its archaeological, biblical, anthropological, social, and political layers. Drawing on a wealth of written and visual materials at the Wellcome Institute, the British Museum Archives, the Israel Antiquities Authority, the National Archives, as well as on the press and archaeologists’ records, the chapter relates the identification of the Tell as Lachish, the discovery of the famous Lachish Letters (in pre-Exilic Hebrew), and their effect on Biblical Archaeology and epigraphy, to the rise of new fields of knowledge such as physical anthropology and anthropometrics. The chapter argues that the excavation project was regarded by archaeologists as a means of modernizing rural Palestine and the lives of Palestinian peasants and labourers. It recovers the modernizers’ daily life on the Tell and their representations of it in writing, photography, and documentary films. It also recoups the process of the Tell’s expropriation, as a historical monument, by the mandate authorities. Alongside the reports of archaeologists like James Leslie Starkey (who was murdered on his way from the Tell to the opening of the new Rockefeller museum in Jerusalem), Olga Tufnell, and Charles Inge, the chapter recovers the voices of villagers as they are heard through their petitions to the government about their denied access to the excavated land.

making a peoples defense and safety System

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 350-363
Author(s):  
Novi Herianto ◽  
M. Nakir
Keyword(s):  
Security System ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Police ◽  
Supporting Force ◽  
The Universe

Article 30 of the 1945 Constitution is the basis for the formulation and drafting of Law No.3 / 2002 on national defense. In article 30, it is stipulated that national defense and security efforts are carried out through the system of defense and security of the total people by the Indonesian National Army and the Indonesian National Police, as the main force, and the people, as the supporting force. This system of defense and security for the people of the universe is then manifested in Law No.20 / 1982 concerning the main provisions of national defense. However, when the TAP MPR Number VI and Number VII was issued regarding the Separation of the Police from ABRI. The government is drafting a new Defense Law that is aligned to separate Defense and security that is adaptive to these changes. The defense is compiled and formulated and then translated into Law no. 3/2002, however, the Law on Security was not immediately realized, instead Law No.2 / 2002 concerning the Indonesian National Police. Until now, the Law on Security does not exist and has not been materialized. As a result, there is a gap between legislation in the defense sector and legislation in the security sector. Some of the mandates of Law No.3 / 2002 can then be translated into Laws, Government Regulations, Presidential decrees instead other legislation products to support national defense.  The lack of this security aspect of course affects the defense and security system which was previously manifested as a comprehensive unit which is of course adjusted to the history of the nation itself. In addition to defense duties which are military in nature, there are tasks in the field of military Nir which all fall into the category of security aspects. As long as there are no regulations governing Security, the Defense and Security System mandated in the 1945 constitution will never materialize.    

scholarly journals The Indonesian Electronic Information and Transactions Within Indonesia’s Broader Legal Regime: Urgency for Amendment?

Jurnal HAM ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 533
Author(s):  
Tasya Safiranita ◽  
Travis Tio Pratama Waluyo ◽  
Elizabeth Calista ◽  
Danielle Putri Ratu ◽  
Ahmad M. Ramli
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Information Policy ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Electronic Information ◽  
Interdependent Network ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Cyberspace is the interdependent network of information technology infrastructures such as the internet, telecommunications networks, and computer systems. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s Law Number 11 of 2008 and its amendment through Indonesian Law Number 19 of 2016 governing cyberspace have been viewed to contradict and infringe other areas of law, such as protection of press or freedom of expression. Hence, this study seeks to identify the controversies and problems regarding the law deemed urgent for amendment. Further, this study creates recommendations so the government may amend electronic information policy more fairly and efficiently. This study uses a judicial normative and comparative approach. This research tries to analyze the existing regulations and the implementation and compare Indonesia’s cyberspace regulation with other States’. This study finds that Articles 27(3) and 28(2) of the law criminalize defamation and hate speech in an overly broad manner and that Article 40(2)(b) allows the government to exercise problematic censorship. As a result, they have infringed the freedom of the press and general freedom of expression in practice. In response to this, this study compares similar provisions from other States and recommends amendment the articles to become narrower and more clearly defined.

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