scholarly journals Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”

2018 ◽  
pp. 603-612
Author(s):  
Serhii Esaulov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Historical Justice ◽  
The World ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
The Right ◽  
Expert Community

The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.

The Indian Nationalist Movement and the League of Nations: Prologue to the United Nations

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
The Impact

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.

scholarly journals Whose hegemony? The world in the context of competition for the new global rule

2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-411
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Domestic Affairs

The subject of this article is the relation between hegemony and the world order in which hegemony (understood as leadership of a certain country or group of countries through the consent of others), and not a mere change of balance of power, represents a key for the change of the world order (understood as establishing a new leadership and rules in the world). This means that changes in the distribution of power do not necessarily mean the change of the existing world order, i.e. leadership and rules of conduct in international relations, but that this requires counter-hegemony too, which can be described as the collapse of the foundations on which the existing consent for leadership and the world order is based upon and creation of the foundations of a new world order. This means a criticism of the existing liberal-democratic paradigm, its crisis and establishing of a new paradigm of international relations, as well as the attitude towards the domestic affairs of the countries. Just as the engagement of the United States after the World War II and then after the Cold War represented the establishment and expansion of American hegemony, the activities of Russia and China today can be best understood and seen through the concept of counter-hegemony. It includes three elements: the desire for reform of those international institutions that still maintain US hegemony and/or the creation of new ones in which there is no US participation; working with elements of civil society such as non-governmental organizations, scientific and other expert organizations, the media and churches; as well as the prevalence of different principles regulating international relations (multipolarity and noninterference in domestic affairs instead of global leadership and interventionism under the guise of responsibility to protect and democracy promotion). We approach this issue within the framework of neo-Marxist, precisely neGramscian, theoretical perspective on international relations, and use literature review and content analysis as research methods.

NGO Accountability: A Conceptual Review across the Engaged Disciplines

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Kaba
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Organization Studies ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Conceptual Clarity ◽  
New Directions ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject

AbstractNon-governmental organizations (NGOs) are pivotal actors in international affairs. They manage billions of dollars in funding, work all around the world, and shape global policies and standards. It thus comes as no surprise that the subject of accountability has drawn the interest of an increasing number of scholars across disciplines. Though there seems to be agreement about its desirability, accountability is also described as chameleon-like and ambiguous. And despite calls for more cross-disciplinary learning and conceptual clarity, there does not exist a comprehensive review of accountability conceptualizations across and within disciplines, or how the different meanings relate to each other. Based on the conceptual review of 217 research articles published within the last twenty years, this study identifies and analyzes conceptualizations of accountability in the major journals of five engaged disciplines: accounting, development studies, international relations and political science, organization studies and management, and public administration. Integrating this broad scholarship reveals that: (1) there exist 113 different conceptualizations of accountability, 90 of which are rarely used and appear in less than 5 percent of all analyzed articles, (2) scholars have used forty-three different conceptualizations in 2019 compared to seventeen conceptualizations in 2009, (3) many conceptualizations refer to same phenomena by different name (duplication), and different phenomena by the same name (conflict), and that (4) conceptual ambiguity contributes to ambiguity among the forty different terms used to measure and operationalize accountability. These findings illustrate a lack of cross-disciplinary learning and accumulation of knowledge, and suggest that new conceptualizations be introduced only if one or more of the 113 existing ones don't already capture an idea sufficiently. The purpose of this article is to serve as a concept map for scholars when debating and charting new directions for the study of accountability.

scholarly journals The Problem of Classification of NGOs

2016 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
V V Hovsepyan
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Indirect Influence ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Single State ◽  
Almost All

Over the last few decades, non-governmental organizations intensively act as a relatively independent party in internal and external affairs of different countries and international relations in general. Almost all socio-political and international law issues are solved, in particular, under their direct or indirect influence of NGOs. Some NGOs have more influence in the world than a single state or a group of states. This situation requires more attention to NGOs, detailed study of their activities and position in globalized society.

The limits of influence: foreign policy think tanks in Britain and the USA

1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Higgott ◽  
Diane Stone
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The One

International non–governmental organizations and their influence over policy in international relations have become subjects of scholarly attention in recent years. One sector of the international policy-cum-analytic community that has received little attention, however, is that group of nationally based non-profit independent policy research institutes—popularly known as ‘think tanks’. This is a strange omission. Foreign policy think tanks and institutes of international affairs are of interest to the wider debates in international relations for two reasons. On the one hand, they aspire to be participants—if mostly marginal ones—in the foreign policy making process. On the other hand, notwithstanding the tension between these two roles, some contribute directly to international relationsas a field of study. Yet a common theme prevails. All foreign policy institutes are founded upon a conviction thatideas are important. Researchers and executives of institutes, as well as their corporate, government and foundation supporters, often believe that their intellectual input into policy debates makes a difference. While this can be the case, we suggest that it is less so than many advocates often assume.

PENERAPAN PRINSIP PERSONA NON GRATA TERHADAP DUTA BESAR DITINJAU DARI PERSPEKTIF HUKUM INTERNASIONAL (STUDI KASUS PENGANIAYAAN TKI OLEH DUTA BESAR ARAB SAUDI DI JERMAN)

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Recipient Country ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The World ◽  
Diplomatic Immunity ◽  
The Right

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.

The Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878) as a global humanitarian moment

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Adrian Ruprecht
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Global Spread ◽  
Global Movement

Abstract This article explores the global spread of the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement to colonial India. By looking at the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–78) and the intense public ferment the events in the Balkans created in Britain, Switzerland, Russia and India, this article illustrates how humanitarian ideas and practices, as well as institutional arrangements for the care for wounded soldiers, were appropriated and shared amongst the different religious internationals and pan-movements from the late 1870s onwards. The Great Eastern Crisis, this article contends, marks a global humanitarian moment. It transformed the initially mainly European and Christian Red Cross into a truly global movement that included non-sovereign colonial India and the Islamic religious international. Far from just being at the receiving end, non-European peoples were crucial in creating global and transnational humanitarianism, global civil society and the world of non-governmental organizations during the last third of the nineteenth century.

A typology of social change agendas in Australian arts organizations and NGOs

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Brydie-Leigh Bartleet ◽  
Gillian Howell
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Positive Change ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Arts Organizations ◽  
Research Practice ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Creative Artists

An increasing number of creative artists, arts organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are working on socially-engaged initiatives that aim to bring about positive change in communities. Examples of outstanding arts practices can be found throughout the world; however, there are major gaps in our understanding about how this work operates. Drawing on insights from 100 Australian arts organizations and NGOs working in this field, this article aims to address some of these gaps. It outlines a typology of change agendas in these organizations, in order to advance a deeper understanding of this field and inform future research, practice and policy.

Women in Southern Africa: A Note on the Zimbabwean “Success Story”

1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-28
Author(s):  
Patricia A. Made ◽  
Nyorovai Whande
Keyword(s):  
Southern Africa ◽  
African Women ◽  
Women's Clubs ◽  
Success Story ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

Five years ago, women in Africa moved to the center stage of the continent. The U.N. Decade for Women Conference held in Nairobi brought together women from all over the world to exchange ideas and discuss future strategies. African women turned out for the meeting in force. Women representing governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and grass-roots women's clubs converged on Nairobi to tell their story to other women in the common struggle for equality, justice and peace.

India’s Rise

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunil Khilnani
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The Self ◽  
Global Order ◽  
Developmental Needs ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The World ◽  
Advantageous Position

How should India’s rise be understood in the framework of international relations and a changing global order? This chapter assesses India’s jostle for an advantageous position on the world stage through three sets of lenses: the attempt to voice the civilizational values of a nascent nation; the expressions of the economic and developmental needs of a poor citizenry; and the self-professed aims and pursuits of the interests of a sovereign state. It then outlines some of the challenges in defining India’s international position, and explores possible means through which these can be navigated. In order to optimize the rewards of India’s interactions with the global order, deft management of all three approaches is necessary, enabled by a recognition of the fact that its greatest strength lies in the ability to articulate a democratically validated foreign policy.

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