Von Repräsentation zu demokratischer Gleichheit

Der Staat ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-450
Author(s):  
Cara Röhner
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Pluralistic Society ◽  
Democratic Equality ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unitary Concept

Aufgrund seiner historischen Genese wurzelt das verfassungsrechtliche Verständnis repräsentativer Demokratie in einem unitären Begriff von Repräsentation, der kein Vokabular für die Verhandlung des Verhältnisses von Demokratie und gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheit entwickelt hat. Die Rekonstruktion unitärer und pluralistischer Repräsentationsbegriffe zeigt jedoch, dass ein modernes Demokratieverständnis nicht auf den Repräsentationsbegriff angewiesen ist. Dementsprechend wird vorgeschlagen, ein pluralistisches Demokratieverständnis ausgehend von der demokratischen Gleichheit zu konzipieren. Ein solches kann historisch-gesellschaftlich verortet begründen, dass es in einer pluralistischen Gesellschaft eines diskriminierungsfreien Zugangs zur Demokratie und folglich eines gewährleistenden Diskriminierungsschutzes bedarf. In diesem Sinne werden Paritätsgesetze, die ein diskriminierungsfreies Nominierungsverfahren für Wahlen gewährleisten, als demokratisches Antidiskriminierungsrecht beschrieben. Due to its historical genesis, the constitutional understanding of representative democracy is rooted in a unitary concept of representation that has not developed a vocabulary for negotiating the relationship between democracy and social inequality. However, the reconstruction of unitary and pluralistic concepts of representation shows that a modern understanding of democracy does not depend on the concept of representation. Accordingly, it is proposed to conceive a pluralistic understanding of democracy based on democratic equality. Such an understanding can be historically and socially located to justify the need for non-discriminatory access to democracy in a pluralistic society and, consequently, for guaranteed protection against discrimination. In this sense, parity laws that guarantee a non-discriminatory nomination procedure for elections are described as democratic anti-discrimination law.

Capitalism and the State in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esteban Torres ◽  
Carina Borrastero
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Inequality ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
American Sociology ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyzes how the research on the relation between capitalism and the state in Latin America has developed from the 1950s up to the present. It starts from the premise that knowledge of this relation in sociology and other social sciences in Latin America has been taking shape through the disputes that have opposed three intellectual standpoints: autonomist, denialist, and North-centric. It analyzes how these standpoints envision the relationship between economy and politics and how they conceptualize three regionally and globally growing trends: the concentration of power, social inequality, and environmental depletion. It concludes with a series of challenges aimed at restoring the theoretical and political potency of the autonomist program in Latin American sociology.

Governance and Business-Society Relations in Areas of Limited Statehood: An Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 000765032098508
Author(s):  
Sameer Azizi ◽  
Tanja Börzel ◽  
Hans Krause Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Global South ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
Collective Goods ◽  
International Ngos ◽  
State Actors ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Reflections

In this introductory article we explore the relationship between statehood and governance, examining in more detail how non-state actors like MNCs, international NGOs, and indigenous authorities, often under conditions of extreme economic scarcity, ethnic diversity, social inequality and violence, take part in the making of rules and the provision of collective goods. Conceptually, we focus on the literature on Areas of Limited Statehood and discuss its usefulness in exploring how business-society relations are governed in the global South, and beyond. Building on insights from this literature, among others, the four articles included in this special issue provide rich illustrations and critical reflections on the multiple, complex and often ambiguous roles of state and non-state actors operating in contemporary Syria, Nigeria, India and Palestine, with implications for conventional understandings of CSR, stakeholders, and related conceptualizations.

Confinement risks and social inequality in Latin America: Evidence from Argentina

2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212199001
Author(s):  
Fiorella Mancini
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Inequality ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Health And Well Being

Social distancing and isolation measures in response to COVID-19 have confined individuals to their homes and produced unexpected side-effects and secondary risks. In Latin America, the measures taken by individual governments to mitigate these new daily and experiential risks have varied significantly as have the responses to social isolation in each country. Given these new social circumstances, the purpose of this article is to investigate, from the sociological approach of risk-taking, the relationship between confinement, secondary risks and social inequality. The author argues that secondary risks, despite their broad scope, are deeply structured by social inequalities in contemporary societies, especially in developing countries. To corroborate this hypothesis, a quantitative comparative analysis is performed for the Argentine case. Using data from a web-survey and correspondence analysis (CA), there are three major findings: (1) there are some widespread experiences similarly distributed across all social strata, especially those related to emotional and subjective matters; (2) other risks follow socio-structural inequalities, especially those corresponding to material and cultural aspects of consumption; (3) for specific vulnerable groups, compulsory confinement causes great dilemmas of decision-making between health and well-being.

Listening Competency in the Workplace: A Model for Training

1997 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn O. Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Training Programs ◽  
Formal Training ◽  
Worker Productivity ◽  
Behavioral Skill ◽  
Organizational Settings ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unitary Concept

Listening is a desirable skill in organizational settings; good listening can improve worker productivity and satisfaction. The challenge facing consul tants is how to train employees to be competent listeners. Although much research in listening has taken place over the last few years, little of that research addresses workplace listening directly and much is based on false assumptions: that listening is a unitary concept, that listening is a cognitive rather than behavioral skill, and that listening is a linear act. In a 10-year study, we developed a model of organizational listening competency that does apply directly to the workplace. It provides a basis for assessing listening abil ity largely through the observations of co-workers. The model emphasizes two effective behaviors: accuracy, that is, confirming the message sent; and sup port, that is, affirming the relationship between the speaker and the listener: This model serves as an effective basis for improving workplace listening, both through formal training programs and through individual workers' own efforts.

scholarly journals European Constitutions as sources of Party Law and the Fundamental Law of Hungary = Las Constituciones europeas como fuentes de la Ley de Partidos y la Ley Fundamental de Hungría

2017 ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Peter Smuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
System A ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Election System ◽  
Fundamental Law ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
The Relationship

<p>La regulación de los partidos políticos parece un tema ligeramente descuidado en la literatura constitucional húngara. Así, a pesar de que hay un gran número de cuestiones que deben analizarse y entenderse en los ámbitos de la democracia representativa, en el sistema electoral y en la financiación de los partidos, derivadas de las particularidades del cambio del régimen político, y que hace necesaria la interpretación de nuestro sistema político actual. Un análisis sustantivo de estas cuestiones en términos de derecho constitucional (y desde las ciencias políticas) podría contribuir a una mejor comprensión de la democracia representativa húngara, el estado constitucional, así como la relación entre la sociedad civil y el Estado. En este documento voy a ofrecer una visión general de las normas constitucionales relativas a los partidos políticos europeos y comparar la redacción de la Ley Fundamental de Hungría con las normas constitucionales creadas en 1989.</p><p>The regulation of political parties seems a slightly neglected topic in the Hungarian constitutional literature. It is so despite the fact that there are a large number of questions to be analysed and understood in the fields of representative democracy, election system and party financing arising from the particularities of the change of the political regime, the recent constitution-making or the necessary interpretation of our current political system. A substantive analysis of these questions in terms of constitutional law (and political science) could contribute to a better understanding of the Hungarian representative democracy, constitutional state as well as the relationship between civil society and the state. In this paper I will provide a rough overview of constitutional rules relating to European political parties and compare the wording of the Fundamental Law of Hungary with the constitutional rules created in 1989.</p><div> </div>

scholarly journals Political Parties and Participative Approaches to Democracy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Gianolla
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Representative Model ◽  
The Relationship

Representative democracy is currenty facing strong social criticism for its incapacity to envolve people in a way that makes them part of the decision-making process. An existing gap between the representatives and the represented is hereby emphasized. In this space, the role of political parties is central in order to bridge society with institutions. How much are parties concerned about this issue? How and in which context do they interact more with their electorate and the wider society? Participatory democracy is emerging throughout the world in different forms and with different results, but the dominant pattern of democracy remains the liberal western democratic paradigm in which people can contribute barely through electing candidates. In order to achieve what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘democratisation of democracy’ the role of political parties is therefore fundamental in particular to achieve a more participative democracy within the representative model. This article approaches this theme through a bibliographic review comparing social movements and political parties with a focus on the innovation of the Five Star Movement in Italy. Finally, it provides a reading of the relationship between political parties andparticipation, including good practice and perspectives.KEYWORDS: Participation, political parties, social movements, political movements, representative democracy, participatory democracy.

The Contribution of Centralisation and De-centralisation to Public Confidence in Examinations and Qualifications

CADMO ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Andrew Boyle
Keyword(s):  
Focus Group ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Previous Literature ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Education Systems ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unitary Concept

- This article discusses the centralisation and de-centralisation of examinations systems, and the relationship of the concept of (de-)centralisation to public confidence in examinations and qualifications systems. In reviewing previous literature it finds that (de-)centralisation has been considered as a unitary concept affecting education systems, whereas previous literature had only looked at (de-) centralisation of disconnected parts of exams and qualifications systems. The article then reports findings derived from qualitative analysis of data collected at an international focus group. The analysis of these data allows reflection on: whether (de-)centralisation as a unitary, multifaceted concept had power to explain examinations and qualifications systems; what the characteristics of such a concept of (de-)centralisation would be; and on the relationship between the concept of (de-)centralisation and public confidence in examinations and qualifications systems. The article concludes by discussing ways in which researchers or policy makers might apply this research to their own contexts.

The improper politics of representation

2019 ◽  
pp. 224-238
Author(s):  
Mark Devenney
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Politics Of Representation ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
Proper Form ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter takes issue with the renewed justification and theorisation of representative democracy associated with the constructivist turn, to reframe debates concerning the relationship between representation, property and civil society. Drawing on a set of older debates about democracy, property and representation the chapter contends that theorists such as Nadia Urbinati and Lisa Disch do not adequately account for existing forms of inequality, structured around property and wealth. The chapter defends a principle of democratic representation as improper in respect of existing orders of property and propriety, as against constructivist accounts that too quickly forget constituted representative interests so as to focus on the coming into being of new claims (e.g. Michael Saward). By contrast to the procedural justification of representative democracy defended most coherently by Urbinati, which seeks to establish a proper form of politics, the chapter argues that democracy is always in excess of particular forms of representation and property.

15-M and Podemos

2020 ◽  
pp. 221-249
Author(s):  
Cristina Flesher Fominaya
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Cognitive Dissonance ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 10, “15-M and Podemos: Explaining the Puzzle of the ‘Electoral Turn,’ ” explores the relationship between 15-M and Podemos to answer a central puzzle that arises from the case of 15-M: How did so many members of a movement that was radically committed to critiquing representative democracy embrace the Podemos electoral initiative less than three years later while still claiming allegiance to the spirit and identity of the 15-M movement? It argues that party strategists engaged in extensive discursive work to overcome their cognitive dissonance and realign their activist identities to embrace an electoral option without reneging their 15-M identity. Podemos managed to convince 15-M activists by offering the promise of integrating core elements of 15-M political culture into the party, including autonomy, feminism, and a digitally enabled hacker ethic.

scholarly journals Inequality Perceptions, Preferences Conducive to Redistribution, and the Conditioning Role of Social Position

Societies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthias Fatke
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
International Social Survey Programme ◽  
The Social ◽  
Comprehensive Survey ◽  
Perceptions Of Inequality ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
International Social

Inequality poses one of the biggest challenges of our time. It is not self-correcting in the sense that citizens demand more redistributive measures in light of rising inequality, which recent studies suggest may be due to the fact that citizens’ perceptions of inequality diverge from objective levels. Moreover, it is not the latter, but the former, which are related to preferences conducive to redistribution. However, the nascent literature on inequality perceptions has, so far, not accounted for the role of subjective position in society. The paper advances the argument that the relationship between inequality perceptions and preferences towards redistribution is conditional on the subjective position of respondents. To that end, I analyze comprehensive survey data on inequality perceptions from the social inequality module of the International Social Survey Programme (1992, 1999, and 2009). Results show that inequality perceptions are associated with preferences conducive to redistribution particularly among those perceive to be at the top of the social ladder. Gaining a better understanding of inequality perceptions contributes to comprehending the absence self-correcting inequality.

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