scholarly journals Norm Exemption in States’ NPT Nuclear Disarmament Obligations

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Melly Masni
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
Moral Dilemma ◽  
Nuclear Proliferation ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Nuclear Disarmament ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
National Interests ◽  
International Norm ◽  
The World

The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world.  Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition.  However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.

Security through Disarmament: The Story of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randy Rydell
Keyword(s):  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Nuclear Disarmament ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Unilateral Action ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation

AbstractThe world has been trying to eliminate weapons of mass destruction (WMD) — nuclear, biological and chemical arms — for over half a century. Yet many such weapons remain, and progress in nuclear disarmament has been especially disappointing. The chronic failure to achieve agreed WMD disarmament mandates has prompted the creation of several independent international commissions to find some solutions. The WMD Commission created by Sweden in late 2003 was the latest such venture, and its 2006 report has received international acclaim. Chaired by Hans Blix, the Commission covered disarmament, non-proliferation and counter-terrorism issues, and did so from a variety of policy dimensions, from unilateral action through fully multilateral cooperation. Written by a member of the Commission's secretariat staff, this article tells the story of the Commission: how it conducted its work, what it proposed and what impacts it has had — and may yet have — in revitalizing WMD disarmament efforts.

Accepting Regional Zero: Nuclear Weapon Free Zones, U.S. Nonproliferation Policy and Global Security, 1957–1968

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stocker
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.

ECONOMIC CONTRADICTIONS ARE RELATED TO THE USE AND TRANSFER OF DUAL-USE GOODS AND TECHNOLOGIES

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Boguslavskyy ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New Technologies ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Dual Use ◽  
Export Controls ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Modern Economy ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Means Of Production

The article is devoted to the study of economic contradictions related to the use and transfer of dual-use goods and technologies. The article highlights different approaches to defining the categories «technology» and «dual-use technology». Types of dual-use technologies are outlined. The main economic contradictions related to the use and transfer of dual- use goods and technologies are identified: 1) contradictions related to the creation of new technologies that can be both useful in the civilian and military spheres; 2) contradictions related to the manufacture and use of dual-use goods; 3) Contradictions are related to the creation of new means of production that can be used both for the production of civilian goods and for CBRN; 4) contradictions in the use of technological processes for the civilian and military spheres; 5) contradictions related to the development of transport and improvement of methods of delivery of CBRN; 6) contradictions between the interests of economic development of different countries on the basis of the introduction of new technologies and non-proliferation of CBRN; 7) interstate political and economic contradictions regarding the CBRN; 8) contradictions between groups of countries and individual countries regarding the non-proliferation of CBRN; 9) contradictions related to environmental pollution in the process of manufacturing and testing of CBRN; 10) contradictions in the realization of economic and political interests between countries that have modern weapons of mass destruction and countries that do not possess these weapons; 11) contradictions regarding the protection of their national interests etc. The peculiarities of the transfer of dual-use goods and technologies in the modern economy are shown and it is determined that it acquires a network character. The need to apply export controls to the transfer of dual-use goods and technologies is emphasized.

scholarly journals «Peaceful Atom» – from the XXth to the XXI century: from the weapons of mass destruction to the driver of the massive progress

2012 ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
M. V. Zharkikh
Keyword(s):  
Energy Supply ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
The Other ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Competitive Advantages ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Energy Field ◽  
The World ◽  
Main Factors

The article is dedicated to the progress-analysis of the development of one of the most promising fields of economy and industry of Russia as well as many other states of the world – the atomic energy sector. Its evolution and competitive advantages before the other sources of energy supply are attended in brief. Special attention is devoted to international cooperation in the atomic energy field, incentivized at the beginning of the XXI century. Dynamics of this cooperation has shown that atomic energy can and, most probably, in the nearest future, will become one of the main factors of an advanced socioeconomic development of most of the states.

Media-Related Strategies and “War on Terrorism”

2014 ◽  
pp. 124-142
Author(s):  
Randal Marlin
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
The United States ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Breaking News ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Will ◽  
Fear Mongering

Terrorist events are breaking news for the media whose ethical responsibility can be debatable. Tactics of terrorism vary from kidnapping, hostage-taking, hijackings, and others up to mass destruction, including the use of nuclear weapons. Media responses and coverage strategies of such tactics also vary, with some reluctant to provide terrorists with the “oxygen of publicity.” Some striking similarities have appeared recently between the build-up to the war on Iraq begun by U.S. President George W. Bush's administration in 2002, culminating with the start of war in 2003, and the 2012 push by current U.S. President Barack Obama for action to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. In the earlier case, the presumption was established in the public mind, without adequate evidence, that Iraq possessed or was about to possess weapons of mass destruction, and had the will to use them against the United States. In the latter case, the background presumption is that Iran is actively seeking to produce a nuclear weapon, with Israel as a potential target. This claim also lacks solid evidence at the time of writing, but has come to be accepted in some media as an uncontroversial fact. This chapter looks at aspects of how different English and French Canadian newspapers, as examples, covered the push for war on Iraq. It includes reflections on the use of language in reporting on the war itself. The central concern is with the media role in fear-mongering and propaganda for war.

Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements

2013 ◽  
pp. 257-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Combined Use ◽  
The World

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors’ intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens’ access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens’ communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.

Justice and Fairness in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Tannenwald
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Equity Issues ◽  
Security Regime

Today, the nuclear regime is widely perceived to be in crisis. While part of this crisis has to do with direct challenges to the regime posed by the illicit nuclear programs of North Korea and Iran, from the perspective of much of the developing world, the issues facing the nonproliferation regime are overwhelmingly about the justice and fairness of the regime's norms, rules, and procedures. Indeed, it is difficult to identify a security regime today where equity issues are more central to debates about its future than the nuclear nonproliferation regime. Of the three regimes for controlling weapons of mass destruction (chemical, biological, and nuclear), it is in the nuclear regime that issues of justice and fairness appear most critical to long-term sustainability and viability.

scholarly journals We are all Americans

2003 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. F02
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Sturloni ◽  
Paola Coppola
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
English Language ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
September 11Th ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
The World ◽  
American Society

"Weapons of mass destruction" is the word of the year 2002, at least according to the American Dialect Society, an association which has been studying the English language in North America for more than one century and which yearly chooses the word having more relevance to American society and information. The word of the year 2001 was "Nine eleven", and the passing of the baton was very significant. September 11th has actually marked an extraordinary media watershed in the debate on the dangerousness of weapons of mass destruction. The bioterrorist threat, for instance, seems to have gained ground in newspaper pages and in programme schedules - and therefore in people's houses - together with anthrax letters terrorising America. However, though this lethal powder has remained confined beyond the Atlantic, fear has rapidly spread throughout the world, including Italy. (Taken from the book "Armageddon Supermarket" - Sironi Editore)

Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements

2015 ◽  
pp. 1505-1520
Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Combined Use ◽  
The World

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors' intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens' access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens' communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.

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