Websites as Spaces for Building the Identities of Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Adriane Figueirola Buarque de Holanda ◽  
Cynthia H. W. Corrêa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
Political Game ◽  
The Way

Initially, studies on policy and the internet considered websites as spaces for the propagation of political and electoral marketing. However, this proposal presents a different perspective regarding the internet as a space for building the identity of political parties with their diverse audiences: cross-party and intra-party. The chapter is divided into three parts: the first deals with politics and the internet focusing on the theory of equalization and normalization to match the political game between major and minor parties. Thus, to understand the organizational structure of the parties, the theory of the parties of cadres and masses is offered. Also, to deepen this discussion, the selective and collective incentives that are part of the genetics of political parties are treated. As the results, the website serves as an instrument of communication of the party, divulging the objectives, the internal disputes between the different factions, and the way the party works.

Minimalinvasiv oder wirksam? Debattenbeitrag zur Novellierung des Bundeswahlrechts vom Oktober 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Standard Size ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
System P ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The Way

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .

scholarly journals NATIONAL ISSUE IN THE PROGRAMS OF RUSIN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIRST CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC (1918–1938)

Rusin ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
T.V. Pikovska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Main Requirement ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
National Issue

The article focuses on the national issue in the programs of Rusin political parties during the Transcarpathian stay in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author claims that the main requirement of most of political parties was the autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The refusal of the Czechoslovak authorities to comply with this demand led to an aggravation of the political situation in the region. The two most powerful ideological trends were Ukrainophilism and Russophilia. The multiethnicity of the Transcarpathian population contributed to the development of parties of other national minorities – Hungarian, Polish, Roma, and Jewish. The statewide parties were also popular in the region – the Communist and Czechoslovak Social Democratic. These two parties were among those few in the interwar Czechoslovakia that were built on the ideological rather than national basis. The highest number of parties during the period when Transcarpathia was part of Czechoslovakia was 30. Most of them emerged after 1918, while the process of formation of the overwhelming majority of Czech and Slovak parties took place in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Thus, these were new political parties at the initial stage of their development and without a clear organizational structure.

The EU's Use of the Internet

2011 ◽  
pp. 774-783
Author(s):  
J. Shahin
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Information Provision ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
European Level ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Use Of The Internet ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

The European Union (EU) has been one of the leading lights concerning Internet use in dealing with other public administrations and citizens. This article will argue that e-government has meant that the European Commission has been able to promote a virtual arena for pan-European activity, which has promoted action at the national and local levels in the EU. In the first instance, this article will deal with how the European Commission uses the Internet to attempt to improve its own relationship with both national public administrations and citizens in terms of the European policy-making process. Although the Internet is perceived as aiding public administrations in information and service provision, which helps to deliver better governance from an institutional governance perspective, a focus on this would only tell one half of the story. Increasing democratic participation and regaining trust in the political system at large is also an important issue for public bodies such as the European Commission to address, and this is not merely a technical process. These technical (efficiency, etc.) and democratic stages are two key parts in the process of developing an information and communication technology (ICT)-based governance agenda in the EU. In order to outline the process, this article deals with four different aspects of the European Commission’s e-policies. It makes reference to the following: 1. The Commission’s information provision, through the EU’s Europa (II) Web server; 2. The way in which the Commission has tried to interact with citizens, using interactive policy making (IPM); 3. The e Commission initiative; and 4. The way in which the Commission links member-state public administrations together, through the IDA(BC) programme. This article reveals the increasing coherence of the European Commission’s approach to using the Internet in institutional affairs. Although the Commission’s approach to using the Internet for governance was initially unstable and ad hoc, by the turn of the century, all efforts had converged around the political issues of institutional reform and better governance. This has been further enhanced by the application of the open method of coordination as one of the tools of EU governance, which has enabled the Commission to take a more informal role in implementing e-government strategies at the pan-European level. This article does not attempt to define e-government at the European level nor does it go into policy areas concerning e-government (such as research, socioeconomic inclusion, improving competitiveness, or specific e-government policy developed by the European Commission), but will contribute to a greater understanding of how the EU itself has used the Internet to promote an e-government agenda that is affecting all public administrations.

scholarly journals The 2011 Egyptian Revolution and Islamists in Egypt and Malaysia

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-168
Author(s):  
Afif Pasuni
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Short Article ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
Ongoing Process ◽  
The Difference ◽  
To Come

The opposition Islamist PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, or Pan Malaysian Islamic Party) is one of the oldest political parties in Malaysia. Inspired by Egypt’s Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood [MB]), PAS is also influenced by occurrences in the Middle East; following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, its leaders revamped their organizational structure to entrust key decisions to religious scholars. The ramifications of the 2011 Egyptian revolution, arguably one of the most significant Middle Eastern political events in recent times, thus deserves a closer look. This short article attempts to look at this revolution’s possible impact on Islamists in Malaysia. I argue that Malaysia had already undergone its own version of a revolution in the 1998 reformasi (reformation) due to the shared characteristics between the two events: both (1) shared the same premise of alleged political injustice; (2) provided opportunities for Islamists to influence the political discourse, with the difference that in Egypt there was a political vacuum; and (3) utilized the Internet heavily to rally the masses. However, due to Malaysia’s freer democratic and electoral processes, political changes there will not be as abrupt as in Egypt. Furthermore, both Egypt’s revolution and Malaysia’s reformasi have hardly ended; the former is a tumultuous ongoing process of battling for the legitimacy of rule by appealing to the masses, while the latter is an ongoing process of appealing to voters in order to come to rule.

scholarly journals LOOKING FOR THE BEST SLOGAN: AN ANALYSIS OF THE SLOGANS OF THE 2016 ROMANIAN PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brînduşa-Mariana Amălăncei ◽  
Cristina Cîrtiţă-Buzoianu ◽  
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Target Audience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Programs ◽  
The Way

The paper investigates the slogans released by political parties during the elections for the Romanian Parliament in 2016, by addressing the way they have been perceived by both political analysts and students enrolled in communication programs. We aim to see how two different target audience evaluate the slogans and how they refer to them. Also, we are interested to see what the students remember about the slogans after six months after the end of the campaign, in order to explore if their memories about the slogans had any connection with the political analysts comments made during the elections.

scholarly journals European Integration: One Electoral Promise Not Taken

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Ilda Rusi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Real Problem ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

The process of European Union membership is a national objective, in view of the democratization and transformation of the Albanian society, in accordance with the values and principles of the United Europe. This sentence is taken from the Official Site of the Prime Minister of Albania. This message but expressed in other words seems to be there standing since 1992, when in Albania for the first time was articulated the desire for national integration of the country. After more than twenty years, the question that concerns me mostly is that why my country is not part of the big European family? What happened in these twenty-two years to prevent this process or to accelerate it? The first thing that comes to my mind after the last rejection candidate status on December, last year, is that this is a promise that none of the Albanian government has not yet managed to achieve. On my opinion, this process is strictly associated with the willing of all determinant political actors to collaborate and to manifest democratic political culture through dialogue. European integration is a slogan used in every political campaign, as a key element of the political agenda all political parties but in. It helps a lot during the electoral campaign but unfortunately we are still waiting for. Thus, I think that the integration process is not related only to the Albanian desire for participating in the EU, but mostly to the political class attitude. It is true that every time that the government does not achieve the candidate status, the political parties to blame each other for retarding the integration process. Even though, different scholars emphasize the role of EU in the process of integration, I believe that the country's democratization is a process strongly related to the political elite performance and the way they manifest politics. Albanian political class must admit that the real problem in this process is the way that it makes politics and how it makes political decision. In this article, I argue that the European integration is a process which can be successful only if all political parties in Albania understand that this is an obligation that they have with Albanian citizens and that cannot be realized if all of them are not committed to. This ambitious goal can be achieved only when the EU priority reforms are going to be established and in Albania there are going to operate functional and free institutions based on meritocracy and democratic system of operation far away from politics.

Internet and Political Parties in Chile

2010 ◽  
pp. 276-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Araya Moreno ◽  
Diego Barría ◽  
Gustavo Campos
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
New Information ◽  
The World ◽  
Information And Communication

Due to the importance that the Internet has gained as a means of communication, literature on political communication has incorporated it as one of its preferred topics of focus. Literature stems almost entirely from Europe and the United States. Very little is known about the political use of new information and communication technologies (NICTs) in other parts of the world. The present chapter aims to provide evidence in that line, starting from the study of the incorporation of the Chilean political parties to the Internet. In specific, the following questions are answered: In what extent do factors such as the organizational characteristics of the political parties explain their greater or lesser adoption of NICTs? What do parties use NICTs for? Furthermore, although briefly, the authors will try to answer the question whether the parties have experienced change in their interaction with the citizenry and their bases because of the usage of NICTs.

scholarly journals La contrarreforma del consejo general del poder judicial = Counter-reform in the spanish judiciary

2014 ◽  
pp. 333
Author(s):  
Diego Íñiguez Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Way

El Consejo General del Poder Judicial ha sido ineficaz en su misión constitucional de ayudar a defender la independencia de jueces y tribunales frente a presiones de los demás poderes, dignificados o eficientes. La forma en que se designa a sus integrantes y el modo en que éstos eligen luego a los principales cargos judiciales ha puesto de manifiesto su dependencia de los partidos políticos. Pero la reforma de 2013 no resuelve estos problemas, incumple previsiones constitucionales de pluralismo en su composición y de colegialidad y añade otros nuevos como consecuencia de su presidencialismo y transfiere una parte sustancial de sus poderes al Ejecutivo. Supone un retroceso deliberado hacia el sistema de gobierno preconstitucional: una genuina Contrarreforma.The Judiciary Council has been ineffective in its constitutional mission: helping to sustain the judges’ independence against the other — dignified or efficient — Powers’ pressures. The way its members are appointed and how they in turn elect the holders of the main judicial positions has shown their dependency on the political parties. But the 2013 reform does not resolve this problems, does not fulfil the constitutional provisions on pluralism in its composition and collegiality, creates some new ones as a consequence of the reinforcement of its president’s powers and transfers a substantial part of its former competences to the Executive power. It is a deliberate setback to the pre-constitutional way of governing the judiciary: a genuine Counter-Reform.

scholarly journals “Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Una perspectiva comparada sobre la historia colombiana

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Way

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.

Organizational Structure and Functions of The Internet Corporation For Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN)

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torsten Bettinger ◽  
Volker Greimann
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Advisory Committees ◽  
Intergovernmental Organization ◽  
Governmental Organization ◽  
Global Issue ◽  
The World ◽  
Structure And Functions

Although the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) is responsible for the management and the creation of rules with respect to a key global issue of the twenty-first century, it sets up its organizational structure and legitimating basis in a way that differs significantly from the political and organizational schemes that were used to solve similar global phenomena in the past. In terms of its organizational form, ICANN is neither an intergovernmental organization (IGO), nor a classic non-governmental organization (NGO) with individual or institutional members, but a new, unprecedented type of a private transnational organization which represents various types of stakeholders from around the world, and is made up of elected and appointed representatives of institutions, numerous ‘advisory committees’, ‘constituencies’, and ‘supporting organizations’ (SOs).

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