scholarly journals LOOKING FOR THE BEST SLOGAN: AN ANALYSIS OF THE SLOGANS OF THE 2016 ROMANIAN PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brînduşa-Mariana Amălăncei ◽  
Cristina Cîrtiţă-Buzoianu ◽  
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Target Audience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Programs ◽  
The Way

The paper investigates the slogans released by political parties during the elections for the Romanian Parliament in 2016, by addressing the way they have been perceived by both political analysts and students enrolled in communication programs. We aim to see how two different target audience evaluate the slogans and how they refer to them. Also, we are interested to see what the students remember about the slogans after six months after the end of the campaign, in order to explore if their memories about the slogans had any connection with the political analysts comments made during the elections.

Minimalinvasiv oder wirksam? Debattenbeitrag zur Novellierung des Bundeswahlrechts vom Oktober 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Standard Size ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
System P ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The Way

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .

scholarly journals European Integration: One Electoral Promise Not Taken

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Ilda Rusi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Real Problem ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

The process of European Union membership is a national objective, in view of the democratization and transformation of the Albanian society, in accordance with the values and principles of the United Europe. This sentence is taken from the Official Site of the Prime Minister of Albania. This message but expressed in other words seems to be there standing since 1992, when in Albania for the first time was articulated the desire for national integration of the country. After more than twenty years, the question that concerns me mostly is that why my country is not part of the big European family? What happened in these twenty-two years to prevent this process or to accelerate it? The first thing that comes to my mind after the last rejection candidate status on December, last year, is that this is a promise that none of the Albanian government has not yet managed to achieve. On my opinion, this process is strictly associated with the willing of all determinant political actors to collaborate and to manifest democratic political culture through dialogue. European integration is a slogan used in every political campaign, as a key element of the political agenda all political parties but in. It helps a lot during the electoral campaign but unfortunately we are still waiting for. Thus, I think that the integration process is not related only to the Albanian desire for participating in the EU, but mostly to the political class attitude. It is true that every time that the government does not achieve the candidate status, the political parties to blame each other for retarding the integration process. Even though, different scholars emphasize the role of EU in the process of integration, I believe that the country's democratization is a process strongly related to the political elite performance and the way they manifest politics. Albanian political class must admit that the real problem in this process is the way that it makes politics and how it makes political decision. In this article, I argue that the European integration is a process which can be successful only if all political parties in Albania understand that this is an obligation that they have with Albanian citizens and that cannot be realized if all of them are not committed to. This ambitious goal can be achieved only when the EU priority reforms are going to be established and in Albania there are going to operate functional and free institutions based on meritocracy and democratic system of operation far away from politics.

Websites as Spaces for Building the Identities of Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Adriane Figueirola Buarque de Holanda ◽  
Cynthia H. W. Corrêa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
Political Game ◽  
The Way

Initially, studies on policy and the internet considered websites as spaces for the propagation of political and electoral marketing. However, this proposal presents a different perspective regarding the internet as a space for building the identity of political parties with their diverse audiences: cross-party and intra-party. The chapter is divided into three parts: the first deals with politics and the internet focusing on the theory of equalization and normalization to match the political game between major and minor parties. Thus, to understand the organizational structure of the parties, the theory of the parties of cadres and masses is offered. Also, to deepen this discussion, the selective and collective incentives that are part of the genetics of political parties are treated. As the results, the website serves as an instrument of communication of the party, divulging the objectives, the internal disputes between the different factions, and the way the party works.

scholarly journals La contrarreforma del consejo general del poder judicial = Counter-reform in the spanish judiciary

2014 ◽  
pp. 333
Author(s):  
Diego Íñiguez Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Way

El Consejo General del Poder Judicial ha sido ineficaz en su misión constitucional de ayudar a defender la independencia de jueces y tribunales frente a presiones de los demás poderes, dignificados o eficientes. La forma en que se designa a sus integrantes y el modo en que éstos eligen luego a los principales cargos judiciales ha puesto de manifiesto su dependencia de los partidos políticos. Pero la reforma de 2013 no resuelve estos problemas, incumple previsiones constitucionales de pluralismo en su composición y de colegialidad y añade otros nuevos como consecuencia de su presidencialismo y transfiere una parte sustancial de sus poderes al Ejecutivo. Supone un retroceso deliberado hacia el sistema de gobierno preconstitucional: una genuina Contrarreforma.The Judiciary Council has been ineffective in its constitutional mission: helping to sustain the judges’ independence against the other — dignified or efficient — Powers’ pressures. The way its members are appointed and how they in turn elect the holders of the main judicial positions has shown their dependency on the political parties. But the 2013 reform does not resolve this problems, does not fulfil the constitutional provisions on pluralism in its composition and collegiality, creates some new ones as a consequence of the reinforcement of its president’s powers and transfers a substantial part of its former competences to the Executive power. It is a deliberate setback to the pre-constitutional way of governing the judiciary: a genuine Counter-Reform.

scholarly journals “Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Una perspectiva comparada sobre la historia colombiana

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Way

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.

The Prodi government's proposed citizenship reform, and the debate on immigration and its impact in Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Bigot ◽  
Stefano Fella
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Integration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Way

Within a few months of the second Prodi government taking office in 2006, the Interior Minister, Giuliano Amato, reignited the ongoing debate on immigration, social integration, nationality and citizenship in Italy by launching the government's proposed reform of the law on citizenship. This article examines the implications of the reform and the debate it has provoked among the political parties in Italy in the context of the broader political discussion that has developed in Italy since the 1990s regarding immigration control, social integration and multiculturalism. The article sheds light on the way in which themes such as ‘multiculturalism’, ‘integration’ and ‘citizenship’ are conceptualised by political actors in Italy, and the way in which discussion of these themes relates to the broader political strategies and trajectories followed by these actors.

Regional Diversity and Divided Memories in Ukraine

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 616-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ararat L. Osipian ◽  
Alexandr L. Osipian
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
High Demand ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Virtual Absence ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
The Way

There appears to be a virtual absence of any serious distinctions in the programs and rhetoric of the three leading political parties in Ukraine: The Party of Regions, Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko, and Our Ukraine. Each party is in support of the market economy, democracy, human rights, and joining the European Union. The major distinction between these parties is in the way they see the country’s past. Such an intensive use of the past reflects the absence of differences in the way they see the future. This article is dedicated to the analysis of how the past has been used in Ukrainian politics during the period of active political and regional confrontation in 2004–2010. In particular, what specific historical stories and topics are in high demand in the political rhetoric and why, and how all of these factors may prevent the process of political consolidation of the nation. The article concludes that major political parties will most likely use the same regional stereotypes of viewing the past in mobilizing their electorate during the coming parliamentary elections of 2012. The technology of confronting the “two Ukraines” will be employed by the competing political camps once again.

The Rise and Fall of Marcha Verde in the Dominican Republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Emelio Betances
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Time To Build ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

The Marcha Verde movement emerged in 2017 to protest bribery on the part of the Brazilian transnational Odebrecht. It conducted 25 protests in the provinces and large marches in July 2017 and August 2018 but ultimately failed to force the government to try those responsible. As a movement for the democratization of democracy through the construction of citizens’ rights, it was a watershed moment in Dominican political history. However, it did not have time to build the social base that would have allowed it to challenge the authorities. The political parties that supported it were only interested in weakening the official party, and the electoral race intervened as the way to channel the movements’ demands, leaving the radicals alone in calling for a transformation of the political sphere. El movimiento Marcha Verde surgió en 2017 en protesta contra los sobornos efectuados por la transnacional brasileña Odebrecht. Aunque organizó 25 protestas en las provincias y grandes marchas en julio de 2017 y agosto de 2018, no logró forzar al gobierno a enjuiciar a los responsables. En tanto se trata de un movimiento para la democratización de la democracia a través de la construcción de los derechos ciudadanos, este fue un momento decisivo en la historia política dominicana. Sin embargo, no tuvo tiempo de construir la base social que le hubiera permitido desafiar a las autoridades. Los partidos políticos que lo apoyaron sólo estaban interesados en debilitar al partido oficial, y las elecciones que intervinieron en el proceso se convirtieron en la vía de canalización para las demandas del movimiento, dejando a los elementos radicales solos en su exigencia por una genuina transformación de la esfera política.

The nature of the political system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhad Hassan Abdullah ◽  
Hawre Hasan Hama
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Way

The Kurdistan region of Iraq has a substantial number of the customary signs of political system, including the various main branches of the state institutions such as executive, courts, and assembly. Since 1991, the Region has established as certain political system that adheres to a commonly acknowledged type of system of government. Some contend that the political system in the region is a presidential system, however with parliament having had the ability to vote the President in or out for quite a while. Political division, explicitly between the political parties, has ended up being a veritable obstruction to the political advancement and strength of the Region and to concocting a bound together type of political system. The region has suffered from lack of constitution; this has caused political conflicts over the law of the presidency of the region and the ways of electing the President. Therefore, when Barzani's presidency term ended in August 2015, the political parties except the KDP attempted to amend the presidential law and make another law to elect the president inside the parliament until writing the constitution for the Region in which the political parties can agree on the form of the political system and the way of electing the President. This article contends that there is a connection between the nature and structure of the political parties and the political systems that have been proposed as a ruling model for the region. The article also concludes by identifying potential systems of government available to the KRI and the potential consequences of each.

scholarly journals As an issue: what decides that citizens feel safe in their state

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-112
Author(s):  
Jacek Zieliński
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Involvement ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Safe State ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

A safe state is a well and clearly organized state. A state in which all citizens are guaranteed a stable existence and have a sense of confidence in their own development. Achieving this status is conditioned by legal provisions, which are the basic instrument for regulating and determining the desired social relations. The key role belongs to the functioning of the lower-level administration, which – as the author claims – cannot be blamed for the way the law is applied, within which limits and in which it is to operate. The use (lawmaking) of the law depends on the political parties sitting in parliament and creating the composition of the executive (the government comes from parliament), and their representation (members of parliament) – on our civic involvement in the election.

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