An Argentine Social Movement

2020 ◽  
pp. 246-271
Author(s):  
Pablo Alberto Baisotti
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Solidarity Economy ◽  
Solidarity Movement ◽  
The Government

This chapter will focus on the reclaimed Bauen hotel as one of the pioneering manifestations of the SSE in Argentina, as an example of the post-crisis social and solidarity movement of 2001. The evolution of the events related to its establishment will be traced, highlighting some of its particularities. It will also provide a vision of what the SSE represents in Latin America. The question that arises from the study of the Bauen hotel is: Is the solidarity economy presented in the particular case of the Bauen workers a social movement that fights against the government for its rights?

Being a Zapatista wherever you are: reflections on academic-activist practice from Latin America to the UK

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Chatterton
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Solidarity Economy ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
The Uk

This chapter reflects on the experiences of undertaking solidarity work with the Zapatista social movement in the southern Mexico state of Chiapas, and what this means for building the solidarity economy. It focuses on six themes: education that challenges neoliberalism, developing resources with social movements, a commitment to participatory organising, building infrastructure for self-management, taking a strategic approach, and taking risks. The paper stresses that ‘being a Zapatista wherever you are’ is a rocky road which opens up openings and possibilities. It is a long journey with no clear endpoint that requires patience, openness, strength and compassion, but it is one that the author encourages the readers to embark upon joyfully with others.

GERAKAN SOSIAL MASYARAKAT KAMPUNG LABALUBA DESA KONTUMERE KECAMATAN KABAWO KABUPATEN MUNA TAHUN 1960-1980

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Movement Process ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts

Chile: Christian Democracy to Marxism

1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-341
Author(s):  
Michael J. Francis ◽  
Hernan Vera-Godoy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
The World ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government ◽  
Basic Alternative

Increasingly alone as a stable republican nation in Latin America, Chile has long been a favorite subject for North American scholars and journalists. Every six years, as it faces a presidential election, the world press breathlessly rediscovers that this long slim country confronts its public problems within the framework of a developed, democratic political system. When in 1964 Chile placed a young idealistic party in power behind Eduardo Frei, an unquestionably intelligent figure of austere but charismatic bearing, this country became a favorite model for the advocates of democratic reformism in Latin America and soon was receiving the highest United States foreign aid per capita in Latin America. Thus it came as a shock that the Chilean electorate could turn its back on Frei's administration in 1970 by favoring the rightist and Marxist candidates. For those who saw in the government of Frei a basic alternative to Marxist models for Latin America, the free election of an avowed Marxist as the President of Chile presents additional problems.

Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War?

1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Costa Rican ◽  
Panama Canal Zone ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.

Pandemic may drive new wealth taxes in Latin America

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Tax Revenues ◽  
Wealth Tax ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Tax Cuts

Significance The region’s current tax and spending policies redistribute very little. The COVID-19 pandemic brought a deep and persistent recession, despite new spending, tax cuts and monetary easing aimed at limiting the damage. In December, the government of Argentina, which was particularly hard hit, passed a temporary (and additional) net wealth tax on the very richest households. Impacts OECD-led transparency efforts offer the long-sought possibility of taxing the foreign assets of wealthy Latin Americans. The pandemic will increase both existing inequalities and the need for tax revenues to finance social welfare and stimulus spending. Efforts to strengthen tax collection more broadly will likely be undertaken by governments across the political spectrum.

Guatemala’s economy on the way to recovery

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Violent Crime ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Containment Measures ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Significance National GDP nevertheless contracted by just 1.5% in 2020 -- less than almost any other country in Latin America. Resilient remittances and exports, coupled with unprecedented policy support, have mitigated the effects of the pandemic and subsequent containment measures, leaving the country better placed for recovery than its neighbours. Impacts Enduring poverty, inequality and violent crime, and the impacts of accelerating climate change, will drive further migration from Guatemala. The government will pursue banking law reforms, to reduce risks to financial activities in the post-pandemic business environment. Infighting and corruption scandals will hinder the opposition's ability to benefit from the decline of the president's popularity.

Towards a new economics: concepts and experiences from Latin America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Luis Coraggio
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Economic Analysis ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Alternative Theory ◽  
Solidarity Economy ◽  
Especial Reference ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Social

In this chapter the Social and Solidarity Economy is presented both as an alternative theory and a counterhegemonic program of political action that challenges the tenets of the market economy of neoliberal doctrine. The proposal is framed within a substantive economy approach based on the works of Marx and Polanyi. The categories of a substantive economic analysis regarding ethical and specifically economic principles and institutions are outlined. Recent advances in the line of a Social and Solidarity Economy are sketched for some of the Latin American national-popular political processes (Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela and Argentina, with some references to Brazil), including an especial reference to the new constitutions and public policies and the tensions between different objectives revealed within them.

scholarly journals The right to the future and chrono-logics otherwise: Resisting governmentality’s temporal conduct

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 1289-1316
Author(s):  
Heidi Rhodes ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Future Generations ◽  
La Paz ◽  
Peace Dividend ◽  
The Future ◽  
Raison D’État ◽  
The Government ◽  
Black Pacific ◽  
The Right

This paper attends to differing praxes of futurity circulating in Colombia, both in dominant and subaltern forms. It first considers temporality as an apparatus of governmentality, raison d’état, and settler colonial logics of violence deployed in the service of late liberalism, capitalist endeavor, and the so-called “peace dividend.” In contrast, it elaborates two distinct rights claims that counter official state claims on the future: the principle of the right to a distinct vision of the future in Colombia’s black Pacific social movement; and the legal claim of the right of future generations in a historic 2018 lawsuit brought against the government by several youth from diverse regions across the country. These claims pose what I name as a “chrono-logics” otherwise – temporal alterities that refuse the logics of settler colonial temporality and insist on an ecology of relations that pursue the survival and flourishing of diverse lifeworlds and futures. Este artículo se ocupa de diferentes praxis de futuridad que circulan en Colombia, tanto en formas dominantes como subalternas. En primer lugar, toma en consideración la temporalidad como un aparato de la gubernamentalidad, la razón de Estado, y las lógicas de violencia del colonialismo que se despliegan al servicio del liberalismo tardío, el empeño capitalista y el así denominado “dividendo de la paz”. Elaboramos dos reivindicaciones de derechos que contradicen las proclamas estatales oficiales sobre el futuro: el principio del derecho a una visión distinta del futuro en el movimiento social negro pacífico de Colombia; y la pretensión jurídica del derecho de las generaciones venideras en una demanda judicial histórica de 2018 que interpusieron jóvenes de diversas regiones del país contra el gobierno. Estas reivindicaciones plantean lo que denomino una “crono-logía” de otra manera – alteridades temporales que rechazan la lógica de la temporalidad colonialista y que insisten en una ecología de relaciones que persiguen la supervivencia y el florecimiento de diversos mundos y futuros.

scholarly journals Default options: a powerful behavioral tool to increase COVID-19 contact tracing app acceptance in Latin America?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Cynthia Boruchowicz ◽  
Florencia Lopez Boo ◽  
Benjamin Roseth ◽  
Luis Tejerina
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Contact Tracing ◽  
Phone Survey ◽  
Opt Out ◽  
Default Options ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Government ◽  
Financial Transactions ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract Given the rates of transmission of COVID-19, relying only on manual contact tracing might be infeasible to control the epidemic without sustained costly lockdowns or rapid vaccination efforts. In the first study of its kind in Latin America, we find through a phone survey of a nationally representative sample of ten countries that an opt-out regime (automatic installation) increases self-reported intention to accept a contact tracing app with exposure notification by 22 percentage points compared to an opt-in regime (voluntary installation). This effect is triple the size and of opposite sign of the effect found in Europe and the United States, potentially due to lower concerns regarding privacy and lower levels of interpersonal trust. We see that an opt-out regime is more effective in increasing willingness to accept for those who do not trust the government or do not use their smartphones for financial transactions. The local severity of the pandemic does not affect our results, but feeling personally at risk increases intent to accept such apps in general. These results can shed light on the use of default options not only for contact tracing apps but in public health overall in the context of a pandemic in Latin America.

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