Impact of Innovative Capital on the Global Performance of the European Union

Author(s):  
Cristina Raluca Gh. Popescu

With the main objective of determining the essential factors that incorporate or enhance innovative capital, the present study, based, on the one hand, on the evaluation of the literature, allowed identifying ten potential factors and centered, on the other hand, on the analysis represented by the linear regression facilitated displaying the interdependencies between these factors and performance, thus determining the overall meaning and intensity of their contribution. In order to identify general and essential trends, to eliminate the cyclical influences of innovative capital, the present study was conducted on the basis of public and free access data contained by Eurostat, the transparency and accessibility of information being very important criteria in defining a simple and successful model, applicable for assessing the contribution of intellectual capital, in general, and its most dynamic component of innovative capital to increasing the performance of organizations.

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-86
Author(s):  
Dragan Trailovic

The article explores the European Union's approach to human rights issues in China through the processes of bilateral and multilateral dialogue on human rights between the EU and the People's Republic of China, on the one hand. On the other hand, the paper deals with the analysis of the EU's human rights policy in the specific case of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, which is examined through normative and political activities of the EU, its institutions and individual member states. Besides, the paper examines China's response to the European Union's human rights approaches, in general, but also when it comes to the specific case of UAR Xinjiang. ?his is done through a review of China's discourse and behaviour within the EU-China Human Rights Dialogue framework, but also at the UN level and within the framework of bilateral relations with individual member states. The paper aims to show whether and how the characteristics of the EU's general approach to human rights in China are reflected in the individual case of Xinjiang. Particular attention shall be given to the differentiation of member states in terms of their approach to human rights issues in China, which is conditioned by the discrepancy between their political values, normative interests and ideational factors, on the one hand, and material factors and economic interests, on the other. Also, the paper aims to show the important features of the different views of the European Union and the Chinese state on the very role of Human Rights Dialogue, as well as their different understandings of the concept of human rights itself. The study concluded that the characteristics of the Union's general approach to human rights in China, as well as the different perceptions of human rights issues between China and the EU, were manifested in the same way in the case of UAR Xinjiang.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Marek Menkiszak

In the face of a new serious crisis in Europe caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Russia has taken an ambiguous position. On the one hand, it was spreading fake news and, on the other hand, it was providing Italy with symbolic support. Russia’s immediate goal was to persuade the European Union (EU) to reduce or lift sanctions. The new situation provides a new argument to those participants of the European debate who are in favour of normalisation and even reset of relations with Russia. Among them, the voice of France is particularly clear since its President Emanuel Macron has taken up the initiative to build the ‘architecture of trust and security’ with Russia. These proposals, which are now quite vague, are based on questionable  assumptions and deepen divisions in Europe and the crisis in transatlantic relations. By rising Moscow’s hopes for some form of (geo)political bargain, they in fact encourage Russia to continue its aggressive policy towards its European neighbours. An alternative approach based on several principles is needed in the debate on EU policy towards Russia: developing all five Mogherini’s points; maintaining sanctions against Russia until the reasons for their introduction cease to exist; symmetry of commitments and benefits related to limited cooperation with Russia; inviolability of key interests, security and sovereignty of EU and NATO member and partner states; and balancing the dialogue with the Russian authorities by supporting Russian civil society. Europe can survive without Russia but Russia cannot survive without Europe, which is why European policy needs consistency and strategic patience.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Brem ◽  
Björn Ivens

The fields of frugal and reverse innovation as well as sustainability and its management have received tremendous interest in recent times. However, there is little literature on how both fields are related to each other. Hence, this paper gives an overview of research in both areas and provides a view of the relationship between frugal and reverse innovation, sustainability management and performance constructs. The link between frugal and reverse innovation on the one hand and sustainability performance on the other hand is established through a differentiated perspective on dimensions representing different fields of sustainability management, i.e. the sustainability of resources used in value creation, the sustainability of the actual value creation processes, and the sustainability of the outcomes of value creation processes. Moreover, we also argue for a positive link between the three dimensions of sustainability management and a company’s market performance.


Author(s):  
Volker Woltersdorff aka Lore Logorrhöe

This article addresses a lack in both queer and anti-neoliberal political critique: on the one hand, queer theoretical approaches neglect questions of production and class, on the other hand economical analyses all too often ignore the question of sexuality. The author argues that this blank is symptomatic for the current regime that reins the construction of sexual identities and he asks why it is so difficult to do otherwise. While religious fundamentalists, nationalist and racists unanimously reject both homosexuality and neoliberalism, official neoliberal discourse in the European Union includes tolerance of homosexuality within its list of allegedly European values. In Germany and in the Netherlands, right wing liberal policies thus give anti-homophobic struggles a nationalist and racist stance, constraining them to co-opt neoliberalism, consumerism, nationalism and racism. Finally the article discusses whether the notion of precariousness could help to link economic and sexual concerns such a way that the dialectics of individuality and risk taking in neoliberalism are illustrated.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-73
Author(s):  
Marie Muschalek

This chapter addresses the hybrid semi-civilian and semi-military institutional setting within which police codes of behavior emerged. On the one hand, police leadership held on tightly to military notions of etiquette, proper appearance, comradeship, and loyalty. This attitude became particularly apparent in police training. Not legal knowledge or administrational skills, but an imposing military habitus and access to lethal force were to provide the foundation for quality policing. On the other hand, being charged with civilian tasks, the policemen of the Landespolizei created a professional culture that increasingly introduced administrational techniques as modes of validation and legitimization. To them, it mattered that the job was done in accordance with an ever growing complex of decrees as well as that it was documented in proper form. In short, policemen were men of guns and paper—they injured and killed people “by the book.” This chapter returns to the significance of honor, demonstrating how the concern for proper appearance and performance was the most decisive factor in the emergence of a Landespolizei organizational culture.


Author(s):  
Maria Luisa Pérez Cabaní ◽  
Josep Juandó Bosch

The European Higher Education Area, created to contribute to the development of quality education and encourage cooperation between Member States of the European Union, has created an opportunity for reflection on teaching methods in universities. These circumstances provide momentum for the use of learning strategies. Along these lines, this chapter presents work done on concept mapping, one of the methods that could significantly help prepare both students and teachers for the new roles expected of them. The results of two lines of study are presented: on the one hand, research that analyses the influence of the differential use of concept maps on the quality of learning; and on the other, an innovation in the use of concept maps in a course developed in the area of initial teacher training. Both initiatives serve to highlight increased interest in concept mapping in the field of learning and especially in collaborative learning.


Author(s):  
Philipp Dann ◽  
Maxim Bönnemann ◽  
Tanja Herklotz

Discussing several methods of comparative legal research and emphasizing upon the point that the two or more systems to be compared should not either be so similar that there is nothing for the one to learn from the other, nor should they be so dissimilar that there is no relationship whatsoever between them. Following this principle, this chapter finds that there is enough similarity as well as dissimilarity between the Indian legal system and the legal system of the European Union. Acknowledging that fact, the chapter then proceeds to compare some of the aspects of European and Indian legal systems from which both of them may benefit.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This chapter focuses on the European Union after Brexit and articulates the case for constitutional reforms. Reforms are necessary to address the substantive and institutional shortcomings that patently emerged in the context of Europe’s old and new crises. Moreover, reforms will be compelled by the exigencies of the post-Covid-19 EU recovery, which pushes the EU towards new horizons in terms of fiscal federalism and democratic governance. As a result, the chapter considers both obstacles and opportunities to reform the EU and make it more effective and legitimate. On the one hand, it underlines the difficulties connected to the EU treaty amendment procedure, owing to the requirement of unanimous approval of any treaty change, and the consequential problem of the veto. On the other hand, it emphasizes the increasing practice by Member States to use intergovernmental agreements outside the EU legal order and stresses that these have set new rules on their entry into force which overcome state veto, suggesting that this is now a precedent to consider.


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