A Comparative Study between Sino-US and Japan-US Trade Frictions with Big Data Technology

2014 ◽  
Vol 687-691 ◽  
pp. 4950-4954 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rong Sheng Lv ◽  
Chun Hui Wang

China and the United States are the two largest economies in the world, and there is a strong complementarily between their economies, so the volume of their bilateral trade is also very large. However, with the development of trade exchanges, bilateral trade friction also intensifies; especially in recent years, American trade deficit with China has grown very rapidly. In order to reverse the situation, the United States launched several trade litigations and implemented tough trade sanctions against China. It led to trade disputes between the two countries, which seriously damaged the healthy development of Sino-US relation. So we compares the similarities and differences between the two trade frictions, pointing out both valuable experience and negative lessons from Japan in handling Japan-US trade friction, so as to provide reference to China for easing Sino-US trade friction.

2021 ◽  
Vol 204 (01) ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
Cyucze Chen'

Abstract. Since entering the 21st century, trade frictions between China and the United States have occurred frequently. In response to the escalation of the US provocation, China began to impose a 25 % tariff on US soybeans. The hindrance of Sino-US soybean trade has brought new opportunities for the development of Sino-Russian soybean trade. Purpose. This article analyzes the current situation of China-Russia soybean trade cooperation in the context of Sino-US trade frictions, and analyzes the current constraints and favorable opportunities in the development of the Sino-Russian soybean trade industry. Methods. The study used monographic, abstract-logical methods and the method of comparative analysis. Results. It can be said that Sino-US trade friction has objectively injected new momentum into Sino-Russian agricultural cooperation, and soybeans have become a new growth point in Sino-Russian agricultural cooperation. In the context of the “Belt and Road” initiative and the long-term trade competition between China and the United States, it is of great significance to further strengthen Sino-Russian agricultural cooperation and increase the level of agricultural trade represented by soybeans between the two countries. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the analysis of limited factors of influence and indication of a new direction of cooperation in the field of soybeans between the PRC and the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 275 ◽  
pp. 01031
Author(s):  
Chuang Deng

Under the background of sino-us trade friction, what kind of trade diversion effect will china produce to the third country market. Based on the monthly import and export data of China and its 11 major trading partners from January 2014 to December 2019, this paper analyzes the trade diversion of sino-us trade frictions to China’s neighboring countries by using the double-difference and panel quantile methods, and through the selection of developing countries and developed countries as a control group for the spillover effects of trade transfer analysis. Empirical analysis: under the background of China’s trade frictions, China’s imports and exports to the United States have been significantly negatively affected, the trade conflict between China and the United States has a significant trade diversion effect on the third country, and the spillover effect on the developing country is larger and longer-term than that on the developed country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Jiandong Shi

Since the Sino-US trade imbalance is regarded as the core content of the global economic imbalance, it has always been controversial and caused frequent bilateral trade disputes and frictions. Superficially it seems that China has gained tremendous trade benefits from China's huge surplus with the United States, which is also a significant cause for China's rapid economic growth. However, from the results of other scholars, it does not seem to be this. Actually, China is at a disadvantage in the distribution of trade benefits, which makes the economic gap between China and the United States widening. This paper aims to explain this phenomenon by judging the distribution of trade benefits from the overall impact of trade on a country's economy.


Significance US-China trade frictions, centring chiefly on disagreements over technology, intellectual property and the bilateral trade balance, are causing international market uncertainty. One US response to concerns about trading with China has been to expand the remit of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), which evaluates investments into the United States from abroad. Impacts CFIUS expansion has bipartisan support and will continue regardless of the winner of the 2020 presidential election. The CFIUS intervened when a Chinese firm bought a US dating app, perhaps a precedent for seemingly non-security related investments. The CFIUS does not cover non-acquiring business partnerships or joint ventures, but general political pressure could curtail these.


Author(s):  
S. S. DMITRIEV

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy,  characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade  according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory  institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the  existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries,  manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident.  Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into  concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is  concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic  market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant  reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral  arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious  downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other  international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on  dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the  term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States  will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the  propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or  permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of  “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return  to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump  government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into  account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number  of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain  circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade  conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 58-61
Author(s):  
Chengshuang Lv ◽  
Caihui Wang ◽  
Jiaojiao Xu

The Covid-19 pneumonia epidemic has broken out and spread in more than 215 countries, with more than 7 million confirmed cases worldwide, which will definitely have a huge negative impact on the global economy, and it has also given birth to populism and trade protectionism in some countries such as the United States. In particular, the trade friction between China and the United States has not been completely resolved, and the direction of the trade relationship has become an important issue in the post-epidemic era. Using retrospective research methods, dynamic analysis methods, and path analysis methods, we discovered the uncertainties in Sino-US trade relations under the epidemic. In the post-epidemic era, Sino-US trade relations will show long-term trade disputes, accompanied by complex politicization and normalization of talks while fighting. However, Sino-US trade is highly interdependent and cannot be divided. Therefore, China upholds to jointly build a community with a shared future for mankind, comprehensively deepens reform and opening up, adheres to dialogue and consultation, stabilizes the ballast of economic and trade relations, crosses the "Thucydides trap", and implements the strategy of expanding domestic demand to take the lead in restoring the economy during the epidemic. Responding to the trade war provoked by the United States against China also provides reference for in-depth research on trade-related theories.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meixin Guo ◽  
Lin Lu ◽  
Liugang Sheng ◽  
Miaojie Yu

During his U.S. presidential campaign Donald Trump threatened China with the imposition of high import tariffs on its exports to the United States. To evaluate the repercussions of such an action, this paper uses Eaton and Kortum's 2002 multi-sector, multi-country general equilibrium model with intersectional linkages to forecast how exports, imports, output, and real wages would change if Trump's threat of 45 percent tariffs is carried out. To view plausible scenarios, we evaluate the case of a unilateral action on the part of the United States, as well as a scenario where China retaliates by imposing an equally high 45 percent tariff on its imports from the United States. In addition, because the high U.S. trade deficit with China is a factor that underpins calls for tariff action, we explore simulations where the trade balance is restored to balance as well as a scenario in which the trade balance is unchanged. In all of the scenarios, the calibration exercise suggests that a trade war triggered by high U.S. import tariffs will lead to a collapse in U.S.–China bilateral trade. In all of the scenarios, the United States will experience large social welfare losses, whereas China may lose or gain slightly depending on the effect of trade war on the U.S.–China trade balance. Globally, some small open economies may experience small benefits, while other countries may suffer collateral damage.


Subject The implications for China of Donald Trump's election as US president. Significance Donald Trump was elected president of the United States on November 8, after a campaign in which he blamed China's trade policy for damaging US industry. He threatened trade sanctions on China, but also questioned the value of US military alliances with countries on its periphery. Impacts Beijing's first priority will be preventing a showdown on bilateral trade. Isolationism in the United States would free China's hand in dealing with maritime disputes. Climate change 'denial' is not an issue in China, so here Washington will vacate the moral high ground to Beijing. Stalled progress in the Trans-Pacific Partnership leaves the China-backed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership as the alternative.


Author(s):  
Ji. Shi

China is one of the developing countries with the most rapid development and the U.S. is de-veloped country with the strongest economic strength, economic development of the two coun-tries has become main impetus of the world economic growth. Sino-US bilateral trade has be-come the most important constituent part of global trade. With the rapid development of Sino-US bilateral trade, trade imbalance also lead great concern of the two governments and academic circles, especially after China entered into WTO, the problem of Sino-US trade imbalance be-come even more serious. This paper mainly analyzes the influence of macroeconomic factors on China-US trade deficit, as economists generally believe that savings and exchange rates are closely related to trade balance. Undervalued exchange rate can keep relatively low prices for products made in China, while the booming domestic demand in the United States provides China with a wide variety of external market opportunities. This paper points out that difference in saving rates between the two countries is an important macroeconomic reason for the contin-ued growth of China’s trade surplus with the United States in international trade. The RMB exchange rate is an influencing factor, but not a fundamental one.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-459
Author(s):  
Kai He ◽  
T. V. Paul ◽  
Anders Wivel

The rise of “the rest,” especially China, has triggered an inevitable transformation of the so-called liberal international order. Rising powers have started to both challenge and push for the reform of existing multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and to create new ones, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The United States under the Trump administration, on the other hand, has retreated from the international institutions that the country once led or helped to create, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the Paris Agreement; the Iran nuclear deal; the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The United States has also paralyzed the ability of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to settle trade disputes by blocking the appointment of judges to its appellate body. Moreover, in May 2020, President Trump announced his decision to quit the Open Skies Treaty, an arms control regime designed to promote transparency among its members regarding military activities. During the past decade or so, both Russia and the United States have been dismantling multilateral arms control treaties one by one while engaging in new nuclear buildups at home.


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