THE LEPIDOPTERA OF THE NORTH SHORE OF THE GULF OF ST. LAWRENCE

1930 ◽  
Vol 62 (5) ◽  
pp. 107-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. McDunnough

The following list is compiled from specimens collected by Mr. W. J. Brown in 1929; it should prove of interest to students of geographical distribution, containing, as it does, large elements of the Labrador fauna on the one hand and typical members of the Canadian and Hudsonian zones on the other. As far as I know Wm. Couper has been the only one who has published on the Lepidoptera of this region (Can. Ent., I, 67; IV, 201; VI, 33 et seq.) and his work has been confined largely to diurnals.

1930 ◽  
Vol 62 (11) ◽  
pp. 239-246
Author(s):  
W. J. Brown

Length 2.3-2.4 mm. ; width 1.1 mm. Elongate, suboval, moderately convex, fulvo-pubescent. Piceous with distinct aeneous lustre; each elytron with two yellow spots; the one as long as wide, including hunerus and basal margin and extending inwardly to the third interval; the other elongate oval and slightly oblique, extending from apical third to a point near apex.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Claire Warden

The multi-spatial landscape of the North-West of England (Manchester–Salford and the surrounding area) provides the setting for Walter Greenwood's 1934 play Love on the Dole. Both the urban industrialized cityscape and the rural countryside that surrounds it are vital framing devices for the narrative – these spaces not simply acting as backdrops but taking on character roles. In this article Claire Warden reads the play's presentation of the North through the concept of landscape theatre, on the one hand, and Raymond Williams's city–country dialogism on the other, claiming that Love on the Dole is imbued with the revolutionary possibility that defines the very landscape in which it is set. From claustrophobic working-class kitchen to the open fields of Derbyshire, Love on the Dole has a sense of spatial ambition in which Greenwood regards all landscapes as tainted by the industrial world while maintaining their capacity to function independently. Ugliness and beauty, capitalist hegemony and socialistic hopefulness reside simultaneously in this important under-researched example of twentieth-century British theatre, thereby reflecting the ambivalent, shifting landscape of the North and producing a play that cannot be easily defined artistically or politically. Claire Warden is a Lecturer in Drama at the University of Lincoln. Her work focuses on peripheral British performances in the early to mid-twentieth century. She is the author of British Avant-Garde Theatre (Palgrave MacMillan, 2012) and is currently writing Modernist and Avant-Garde Performance: an Introduction for Edinburgh University Press, to be published in 2014.


Author(s):  
Maristela Basso

Bearing in mind the absence of specific legal norm on “fashion design” and the lack of expertise of ourjudges, Brazilian courts have recognized some degree of protection for designs granted by the fashion industry.They do not deny protection, as the North Americans who exclude the utilitarian aspects, nor even declarerights as vast as in French law. The trend of the judged in Brazil is in an intermediate position. That is, they aimto encourage innovation, on the one hand, and on the other, limit copying, requiring incremental elements toprovide protection.


1952 ◽  
Vol 32 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. E. M. Wheeler

In the parishes of Stanwick St. John and Forcett-with-Carkin, eight miles north of Richmond in the North Riding of Yorkshire, are more than six miles of rampart and ditch, forming a complex of enclosures of a very remarkable kind. Since Leland's day they have been a sufficiently notorious archaeological problem, but their size and remoteness on the one hand, and possibly the counter-attractions of Hadrian's Wall on the other, have combined to deter analytical investigation of them.


Kavkazologiya ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 219-288
Author(s):  
M.A. KHAKUASHEVA ◽  
◽  
L.B. KHAVZHOKOVA ◽  

The article examines some of the issues of the formation and evolution of the genre of the story in Circassian literature. The relevance of the study is due, on the one hand, to the insufficient development of the stated topic, on the other hand, to the need to identify trends in the development of national prose, starting from the problems of its genesis. In the center of research attention is the ideological and thematic orientation of the Circassian story mainly of the initial stage of evolution, i.e. Soviet era. In particular, the author examines the stories of S. Temirov, I. Amirokov, M. Adamokov, H. Gashokov and others, who laid the foundations of the genre in Circassian literature. During the indicated period, the Circassian tale was the first attempt to comprehend the problems of collective farms, youth brigades, the Soviet attitude to work, the range of urgent problems of young people, their aspirations, the formation of the criteria of Soviet morality. It also reflects various aspects of the Great Patriotic War, mainly as a war for independence. The research uses the method of artistic analysis. The results obtained can be used in compiling special courses on Adyghe (Kabardino-Circassian) prose, writing the history of the literature of the peoples of the North Caucasus.


Author(s):  
William B. Meyer

One of the earliest historians of the Civil War saw it as a fundamental clash between the peoples of different latitudes. Climate had made the antebellum North and South distinct societies and natural enemies, John W. Draper argued, the one democratic and individualist, the other aristocratic and oligarchical. If such were the case, the future of the reunited states was hardly a bright one. But Draper saw no natural barriers to national unity that wise policy could not surmount. The restlessness and transience of American life that many deplored instead merited, in his view, every assistance possible. In particular, he wrote, Americans needed to be encouraged to move as freely across climatic zones as they already did within them. The tendency of North and South to congeal into hostile types of civilization could be frustrated, but only by an incessant mingling of people. Sectional discord was inevitable only if the natural law that "emigrants move on parallels of latitude" were left free to take its course. These patterns of emigration were left free, for the most part, but without the renewed strife that Draper feared. After the war as before it, few settlers relocating to new homes moved far to the north or south of their points of origin. As late as 1895, Henry Gannett, chief geographer to the U.S. Census, could still describe internal migration as "mainly conducted westward along parallels of latitude." More often as time went on, it was supposed that race and not merely habit underlay the pattern, that climatic preferences were innate, different stocks of people staying in the latitudes of their forbears by the compulsion of biology. Thus, it was supposed, Anglo-Saxons preferred cooler lands than Americans of Mediterranean ancestry, while those of African descent preferred warmer climates than either. Over time, though, latitude loosened its grip and exceptions to the rule multiplied. As the share of the population in farming declined, so did the strongest reason for migrants to stay within familiar climates. Even by the time Gannett wrote, the tendency that he described, though still apparent, was weaker than it had been at mid-century. It weakened because a preference for familiar climates was not a fixed human trait but one shaped by experience and wants, and capable of changing as these variables changed.


1896 ◽  
Vol 42 (176) ◽  
pp. 80-85
Author(s):  
T. A. Chapman

It has always appeared to me that the various figures that are supposed to indicate an increase of insanity are not only inconclusive, but do not really show anything of the sort, and that there are even some vague and indefinite indications that there is really a decrease in the annual production of insanity. Some years ago I tried to find some figures amongst the various statistics we possess that would throw some light on this point, but practically without success. It seemed that such increase in the annual admissions to asylums as was beyond that due to increase of population was more than accounted for by slighter (i.e., less demonstrative) cases of acute insanity and various forms of chronic, senile, and degenerative disorders being yearly sent to asylums more freely, but I could get no figures proving this. A somewhat suggestive fact in this direction is the often-made remark that acute mania is less abundant, melancholia more so than formerly; acute mania of an active (i.e., demonstrative) type was always sent to asylums pretty well up to its actual amount. Melancholia used to be very largely left at home or treated in workhouses. But where shall we find such facts embodied in figures. Acute mania of our statistics includes the milder as well as the more demonstrative cases, and so shows an increase just as the total figures do. There are, then, so far as I know, no figures showing the real annual occurrence of insanity that are comparable year by year. There are, indeed, no figures that give the actual annual production of insanity apart from chronic and recurrent cases. There are no figures of any definite form and intensity of acute insanity. True the Commissioners' Reports give us statistics of general paralysis, but this is precisely the one form of acute insanity that is not an insanity; that is, it belongs to a different natural order of diseases from the other diseases we mean by insanity. I have elsewhere stated that this always appears clearly on a comparison of the statistics of general paralysis with those of insanity proper, and the same opinion has been expressed by authorities who have approached the matter from a pathological and therapeutical standpoint. Its remarkable geographical distribution and its specially urban character equally show it to be different from the other insanities, which have no similar features. That this disease is increasing owing to the more and more urban character of our population affords no ground for assuming a similar progress in the true insanities. The annual recoveries must, however, be largely dependent on, and proportional to, the annually occurring cases, but will, of course, so regarded, be vitiated by the increase of population and by the increased admissions of milder forms of insanity and by the recoveries of recurrent cases.


1994 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 127-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hunwick

Murray Last obliquely suggests that [the “Kano Chronicle”] is best regarded as a rather free compilation of local legends and traditions drafted in the mid-seventeenth century by a humorous Muslim rationalist who almost seems to have studied under Levi-Strauss.The danger lies in being carried away by one's own ingenuity.The question of the authorship and date(s) of writing of the so-called “Kano Chronicle” (KC) and hence how historians should evaluate it as a source, have intrigued students of Kano (and wider Hausa) history since the work was first translated into English by H. R. Palmer in 1908. Palmer himself had the following to say:The manuscript is of no great age, and must on internal evidence have been written during the latter part of the decade 1883-1893; but it probably represents some earlier record which has now perished….The authorship is unknown, and it is very difficult to make a guess. On the one hand the general style of the composition is quite unlike the “note” struck by the sons of Dan Hodio [ʿUthmān b. Fūdī, Abdulahi and Muḥammad Bello, and imitated by other Fulani writers. There is almost complete absence of bias or partizanship…. On the other hand, the style of the Arabic is not at all like that usually found in the compositions of Hausa mallams of the present day; there are not nearly enough “classical tags” so to speak, in it…. That the author was thoroughly au fait with the Kano dialect of Hausa is evident from several phrases used in the book, for instance “ba râyi ba” used in a sense peculiar to Kano of “perforce.” The original may perhaps have been written by some stranger from the north who settled in Kano, and collected the stories of former kings handed down by oral tradition.


1794 ◽  
Vol 84 ◽  
pp. 107-118 ◽  

Dear Sir, Since my last letter, being employed in the prosecution of my experiments upon light, I was struck with a very beautiful, and what to me appeared to be a new appearance. Desirous of comparing the intensity of the light of a clear sky, by day, with that of a common wax candle, I darkened my room, and letting the daylight from the north, coming through a hole near the top of the window-shutter, fall at an angle of about 70° upon a sheet of very fine white paper, I placed a burning wax candle in such a position that its rays fell upon the same paper, and as near as I could guess, in the line of reflection of the rays of daylight from without; when interposing a cylinder of wood, about half an inch in diameter, before the centre of the paper, and at the distance of about two inches from its surface, I was much surprised to find that the two shadows projected by the cylinder upon the paper, instead of being merely shades without colour, as I expected, the one of them, that which, corresponding with the beam of daylight, was illuminated by the candle, was yellow ; while the other, corresponding to the light of the candle, and consequently illuminated by the light of the heavens, was of the most beautiful blue that it is possible to imagine. This appearance, which was not only unexpected, but was really in itself in the highest degree striking and beautiful, I found, upon repeated trials, and after varying the experiment in every way I could think of, to be so perfectly permanent, that it is absolutely impossible to produce two shadows at the same time from the same body, the one answering to a beam of daylight, and the other to the light of a candle or lamp, without these shadows being coloured, the one yellow and the other blue . The experiment may very easily be made at any time by day, and almost in any place, and even by a person not in the least degree versed in experimental researches. Nothing more is necessary for that purpose than to take a burning candle into a darkened room in the day time, and open one of the window-shutters a little, about half or three quarters of an inch for instance; when the candle being placed upon a table or stand, or given to an assistant to hold, in such a situation that the rays from the candle may meet those of daylight from without, at an angle of about 40°, at the surface of a sheet of white paper, held in a proper position to receive them, any solid opaque body, a cylinder, or even a finger, held before the paper, at the distance of two or three inches, will project two shadows upon the paper, the one blue, and the other yellow.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 117863021876053 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin E Harbison ◽  
Amy B Runde ◽  
Marlon Henry ◽  
Bridget Hulsebosch ◽  
Alka Meresh ◽  
...  

Effectiveness in controlling mosquitoes in storm water catch basins in the North Shore Mosquito Abatement District (northeastern Cook County, Illinois) was determined for 3 formulations of methoprene-based larvicides (Altosid XR 150-day Briquets, Altosid 30-day Pellets, Altosid 30-day Granules) in 2017 using a pass/fail evaluation criterion, in which emergence of a single adult from pupae collected from the basin constituted a control failure. Over the course of the 16-week study, basins receiving the 150-day briquets were treated once and basins receiving the pellet and granular formulations were treated every 4 weeks, with the first treatment occurring during the last week of May. Untreated basins were also observed for comparison with the treated basins. Over the course of the study, adult mosquitoes emerged from pupae collected in 94.2% of the untreated basins that contained pupae. All of the formulations evaluated in the study demonstrated some degree of control compared with the untreated basins, with pupae successfully emerging as adults in 64.6%, 55.5%, and 21.8% of samples from 150-day briquet, 30-day tablet, and 30-day pellet–treated basins that contained pupae, respectively. Pellets reapplied every 28 days provided significantly more effective control than the other formulations. The simple pass/fail criterion for evaluating control effectiveness proved to be a useful procedure for comparing effectiveness to untreated basins and among treatments.


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