Association of sulfate-water and blood thiamine concentration in beef cattle: Field studies

1991 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 825-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej A. Olkowski ◽  
David A. Christensen ◽  
Colin G. Rousseaux
Keyword(s):  
Drinking Water ◽  
Beef Cattle ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
Feedlot Cattle ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Cattle Blood ◽  
High Sulfate ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

A population study was undertaken to survey the distribution of sulfate levels in water and thiamine status of beef cattle on Saskatchewan farms. Fifty farms took part in this study. The sampled animals represented all major breeds raised in Saskatchewan. The sulfate content in drinking water varied greatly across the province ranging from 70 to 3200 ppm. Approximately 43% of the farms from southern and central parts of the province had water with sulfate concentration exceeding 1000 ppm. The concentration of blood thiamine was (mean ± SD) 24.9 ± 10.1 μg L−1. Subsequently, a comparative study was undertaken to examine the relationship between high sulfate in the drinking water and blood thiamine concentration in feedlot cattle. The farms with high (> 1000 ppm) and low (< 200) levels of sulfate in the water were used for the comparative study. Blood thiamine concentrations differed (P < 0.0001) between beef cattle drinking low sulfate-water and those drinking high sulfate-water and were 47.3 ± 9.8 and 37.9 ± 12.4 μg L−1 respectively. It was concluded from this study that a high concentration of sulfate in the drinking water has a detrimental effect on blood thiamine status. A subpopulation of beef cattle in Saskatchewan may be marginally deficient or deficient in thiamine. Key words: Water, sulfate, cattle, blood, thiamine, deficiency

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Geslani
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Indian Religion

The introduction reviews the historiographic problem of the relation between fire sacrifice (yajña) and image worship (pūjā), which have traditionally been seen as opposing ritual structures serving to undergird the distinction of “Vedic” and “Hindu.” Against such an icono- and theocentric approach, it proposes a history of the priesthood in relation to royal power, centering on the relationship between the royal chaplain (purohita) and astrologer (sāṃvatsara) as a crucial, unexplored development in early Indian religion. In order to capture these historical developments, it outlines a method for the comparative study of ritual forms over time.

scholarly journals AGAMA DAN POLITIK: TEOLOGI PEMBEBASAN SEBAGAI ARENA PROFETISASI AGAMA

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Wasisto Raharjo Jati
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

<p class="IIABSBARU">This article aims to analyze the comparative study of the liberation theology perspective. The notion of liberation theology is a form of transformative theology that concerned within issues of equality and social justice. The relationship amidst religion and politics is reciprocal due to there are conflicts of interest between both entities. Emergence of liberation theology itself arises because of the politicization of religion has become more acute and chronic so it needs to be transformed. The thought of liberation theology is basically grown in the famous case of Latin America with the spirit church of the poor. However, within Islam, it also found a similar essence that Islam also teaches that there egalitarianism, equality, and social justice. Article will elaborate about this comparison of liberation theology.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis studi perbandingan perspektif teologi pembebasan. Gagasan teologi pembebasan adalah suatu bentuk teologi trans­formatif yang bersangkutan dalam isu-isu kesetaraan dan keadilan sosial. Hubungan di tengah-tengah agama dan politik adalah timbal balik karena ada konflik kepentingan antara kedua entitas. Munculnya teologi pembebasan itu sendiri timbul karena adanya politisasi agama telah menjadi lebih akut dan kronis sehingga perlu diubah. Pikiran teologi pembebasan pada dasarnya tumbuh dalam kasus terkenal Amerika Latin dengan semangat gereja kaum miskin. Namun, dalam Islam, itu juga menemukan esensi yang sama bahwa Islam juga mengajarkan bahwa ada egalitarianisme, kesetaraan, dan keadilan sosial. Pasal akan menguraikan tentang perbandingan ini teologi pembebasan.

Party Finance and Perceived Party Responsiveness

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Costa Lobo ◽  
Isabella Razzuoli
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Important Implication ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter investigates an important implication of the cartel party thesis: that parties’ shift from society towards the state has eroded voters’ sense of political efficacy. More precisely, it explores whether and to what extent parties’ financial dependence on the state shapes electors’ feelings about the responsiveness of parties. The authors do this by linking PPDB (Political Party Database) information with the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data. The results of their analysis show that the relationship between level of state funding of parties and citizens’ perceptions of party responsiveness is positive, though not strong. This is contrary to the theoretical expectations suggested by the cartel thesis, in that electors voting for parties more dependent on the state are not more likely to have low feelings of political efficacy.

Dravidian Studies IV

1944 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Burrow
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
The Body ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Bishop caldwell, the founder of the comparative study of the Dravidian languages, was interested not only in the relationship of those languages among themselves, but also in the question of their connection with other families of languages outside India. His investigations in this direction led him to believe that the Dravidian languages are connected with what he called the “Scythian” family of languages. By the term “Scẏthian” Caldwell referred mainly to the Ural-Altaic languages, though occasionally using the word in a rather wider sense than that. Within the “Scythian” family he held that it was possible to define the position of Dravidian even more closely, by attaching it to the Finno-ugrian group in particular. The evidence which Caldwell offered in support of this theory consisted partly of grammatical features which he held to be common to the languages concerned, and partly of comparisons of vocabulary. The former are to be found scattered through the body of his work, and the latter are collected together in an appendix entitled “Glossarial Affinities”. In presenting this theory Caldwell was quite modest in his claims; he admitted the possibility of being misled by accidental assonances, and claimed rather to have pointed the way to the possibilities of future research than to have demonstrated the relationship with any finality.

A Gender Gap in Party Congruence and Responsiveness?

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-198
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ferland
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Gender Representation ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Key Characteristics ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractCongruence and responsiveness between the policy preferences of citizens and elites are considered key characteristics of democracy. Although these relationships between citizens and elites have been thoroughly examined, little attention has been devoted to differences in the representation of women and men in studies of congruence and responsiveness. Herein, I evaluate the presence of a gender gap both in terms of party congruence and party responsiveness with respect to the relationship between female and male supporters and the party they voted for. In addition, I examine whether the presence of elected women in parties decreases the gender gap in party congruence and responsiveness. My analyses of the data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and several national elections studies indicate that parties are generally as close and as responsive to the preferences of male supporters as to those of female supporters on the left–right ideological scale. However, the presence of elected women in parties favors women's representation and may thus reduce inequality in gender representation.

Elections Activate Partisanship across Countries

2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHANE P. SINGH ◽  
JUDD R. THORNTON
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Strong Evidence ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Causal Effects ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Party Attachment ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cross National

It has long been argued that elections amplify partisan predispositions. We take advantage of the timing of the cross-national post-election surveys included in the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems to explore the effects that elections have on individuals’ attachments to political parties. Within these surveys, under the assumption that the dates on which respondents are interviewed are assigned independent of factors known to affect partisanship, we are able to identify the causal effects of election salience on partisan attachments. We find strong evidence that election salience increases the probability of one having a party attachment, increases the strength of attachments, and heightens the relationship between partisanship and evaluations of political actors. Empirical explorations of our identifying assumption bolster its validity. Our results substantiate the causal role that elections play in activating partisanship.

UNA METAFISICA PITAGORICA NEL FILERO?

Méthexis ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
GABRIELE CORNELLI
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Clear Understanding ◽  
Crucial Point ◽  
Distant Point ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

The present essay will cross, inside the matter of the sources of the platonic thought, the suggestion of Damascius of Damascus, with the intention to draw clear understanding, unless in this particular point, of the relationship between the ancient pythagoreanism and the platonic philosophy. In this, the study of the matter of the dialectics of the limiters/unlimited one is central. The page 16c of the Philebus is the crucial point of this discussion: here Socrates introduces the theme of the unity/multiplicity as a very beautiful hodos, a run that comes from a very distant point of departure: it’s a “gift of the gods” and a discovery of the ancient ones. The comparative study of these footsteps of the Philebus and the fragments of Philolaus, especially В 2, 3, 6 and 7 bring us to conclude that the presence in the pages of the Philebus of the theory of the limiter/unlimited be taken as a pre-platonic “discovery” of the more ancient pythagorean philosophy.

scholarly journals Constancy of Legislative Perceptions of Constituency Opinion

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROY PIERCE ◽  
THOMAS R. ROCHON
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Candidate Perceptions ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Representative Process ◽  
The Relationship

This article develops the dynamic implications of the Miller-Stokes model of constituency representation by exploring the extent to which there was constancy between two “generations” of French Socialist party candidates for the National Assembly from the same constituencies, in their perceptions of the opinions of their constituents. The data derive from personal interviews conducted with the candidates shortly after the legislative elections of 1967 and 1978. The phenomena discussed include the relationship between constancy of candidate perceptions and accuracy of candidate perceptions. The authors also examine the extent to which the candidates base their perceptions of district opinion on the political composition of their constituencies. That practice has daunting implications both for the comparative study of representation and for the representative process itself.

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