scholarly journals The mediatisation of the political agenda: discussion of the social pact as a conflict of agendas, 2009-2011

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Palmira Chavero ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-36
Author(s):  
Laura Guarino ◽  
Stefano Portelli

Abstract Resettlement programs have always been in the political agenda of public institutions and administrators of Casablanca since its growth during the French Protectorate. Today real estate and private multinational capital sneak into local and national powers, pushing public authorities to clear land for new urban development through demolition and resettlement of local residents. The dwellers of areas such as the old town centre (medina) and the slums (karyan) increasingly react to displacement by challenging this urban agenda frontally with their bodies and words, but often also deploying what James Scott calls “weapons of the weak”, i.e. implicit acts of resistance and symbolic dissent. Reversing Asef Bayat’s statement, we consider residents of these stigmatized neighbourhoods “revolutionaries without a revolution”, partisans of an intimate cause of their own, that aims at having a home and surviving in a hostile city. Our reflections are the product of two separate fieldwork researches: one with the inhabitants of informal neighbourhoods, another with residents and former residents of the old medina. The two cases show how resettlement affects the sense of belonging and of cohesion of low-income classes by uprooting the founding element of the everyday life: the house. The uncertainty about the possibility to keep their own home deeply conditions the implicit social pact with the monarchy apparatus, and may represent one of the conditions that are undermining the allegiance to the monarchy itself.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Marmot ◽  
Ruth Bell

From the start, the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health built its case for taking action on the social determinants of health, unashamedly, on principles of social justice. Quite simply, the Commission stated that health inequities in the sense of avoidable and preventable differences in health between countries, and between groups within countries according to income, occupation, education, ethnicity or between men and women, are unjust. Taking this position has brought praise and blame: praise for the Commission’s boldness in putting fairness on the global health agenda1 in the face of the dominant global model of economic growth as an end in itself, and blame for the Commission’s unworldliness in apparently not recognising that economic arguments push the political agenda.


Author(s):  
Michael Hill ◽  
Alan Walker

This chapter examines the sustained attack on the social benefits, increasing in intensity across the period of Thatcher’s premiership. These undermined social insurance and (in interaction with other policies) contributed to the increase of poverty. They were supported by a sustained cluster of arguments—that poverty is not a problem, that people must do more to help themselves, and that in the long run a successful economy will bring income gains for all—which have created an ideological legacy (sustained by her successors, and not only her Conservative ones), which has muted the role concerns about poverty and inequality play on the political agenda.


2001 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Coates ◽  
Colin Hay

To Grasp Fully The Nature And Significance Of The Economic policies at the heart of dominant political projects, those policies have to be studied in the round. They have to be grasped as complex totalities which touch all aspects of the political agenda; and they have to be seen as constructed and contested wholes, whose contradictions, internal inconsistencies and conceptual limits are as vital to their trajectory as are their axioms, theories and content. Academically and professionally, the study of policy in this rounded way is often a more difficult task to complete than might be expected, in part because of the powerful divisions within and between the intellectual disciplines which comprise the social sciences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sohaira Z Siddiqui

The 2019 passage of the ‘The Muslim Women Protection of Rights on Marriage Act’ criminalizing the practice of triple-ṭalāq has been actively debated in both political and academic spheres. For some, the act signals a much-awaited victory for the Muslim women of India who have suffered the consequences of instantaneous and irrevocable divorces; while for others, it signals the continued marginalization of the Muslim community and the willingness of the Indian government to encroach upon their rights as a distinct religious community. To understand the passage of this Act in context, this article explores the larger context surrounding debates over Islamic Law in India, prior watershed Supreme Court decisions, and the recent political agenda of the BJP.  These explorations reveal that ‘The Muslim Women Protection of Rights on Marriage Act’ is a red herring that, if fully enacted, can exacerbate the social and legal challenges women face when seeking divorce while also encroaching upon the rights of the increasingly politically marginalized Muslim community. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 (4) ◽  
pp. 866-876
Author(s):  
Marta Camell Galí ◽  
Matteo Polleri ◽  
Federico Puletti

This contribution is dedicated to an in-depth look at the cycle of the Gilets Jaunes protests that marked the French and European political landscape between November 2018 and the beginning of 2020. An unexpected social and political phenomenon, this movement accompanied the presidency of Emmanuel Macron and influenced his political agenda. Through “co-research” work done in direct contact with the movement, the essay analyzes the social and geographical composition of the participants, the political context in which it emerged, and its forms of organization and struggle. It argues that by subverting the frustration of social and geographical declassing, the Gilets Jaunes managed to constitute an unprecedented case of democratic counter-power.


polemica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flora Bezerra dos Santos ◽  
Maria Helena Zamora

Resumo: A partir da sistematização do conceito de banalidade do mal proposto por Hannah Arendt no livro Eichmann em Jerusalém – um relato sobre a banalidade do mal (1963, 1964, 1999), este trabalho busca apontar para as condições de suposta normalidade, em que se instauram mecanismos de desumanização. Os projetos hegemônicos de poder inscrevem, na ordem social, lógicas que corroboram para a anulação de modos de viver encarados como ameaçadores. Consideradas as devidas diferenças, tanto a sistemática nazista quanto a teoria das raças estipulada em fins do século XIX no Brasil, endossaram a existência de hierarquias entre características humanas. Com isso, traça-se um paralelo entre as pautas políticas nos períodos mencionados, a fim de refletir acerca dos efeitos diretos e indiretos que as práticas genocidas manifestam no cotidiano atual.Palavras-chave: Banalidade do mal. Ordem social. Racismo. Violência. Desumanização.Abstract: Based on the systematization of the concept of banality of evil proposed by Hannah Arendt in the book Eichmann in Jerusalem - a report on the banality of evil (1963, 1964, 1999), this paper aims at indicating the conditions of the supposed normality, in which mechanisms of dehumanization are instaured. The hegemonic projects if power inscribe, in the social order, logics that corroborate with the annulation of ways of living that are seen as threatening. Considering the assumed differences, both the systematic of the nazis and the theory of races stipulated in the end of the 19th century in Brazil, reinforced the existence of hierarchies among human characteristics. Having taken that into account, a parallel is drawn between the political agenda in the aforementioned periods, with the purpose of reflecting upon the direct and indirect effects that the genocidal practices manifest on daily life nowadays.Keywords: Banality of evil. Social order. Racism. Violence. Dehumanization.


1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip D. Lowe ◽  
Wolfgang Rüdig

The ‘environment’ as a political issue has had a mixed history. Its sudden upsurge in the late 1960s was followed by many ups and downs. It has, however, continued to press itself on to the political agenda in various forms. Most recently, the rise of green parties in Western Europe has demonstrated that the environment is not one of many issues which come and go but has led to more fundamental political change.


AmeriQuests ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Szilvia Simai ◽  
Rosana Baeninger

The production of positive national images is currently high on the political agenda in Brazil. While Brazil’s economic growth and increasing importance in the international arena, both politically and economically, are undeniable, it seems that there is quite a lot of work to do in the social–psychological sphere to keep up with the economic advances. Our research has shown that while Brazil’s official discourse and Brazilians’ individual discourses are tendentious and tend to create an image of Brazil and of Brazilians as more receptive than other nations and indeed as almost xenophile, at the same time people hold strongly xenophobic views but tend to deny it and escape behind the normative discourse of receptivity. We analyse collected discourses and present various forms of denial of xenophobia in Brazil via a qualitative study conducted in a university setting in São Paulo.


1998 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 171-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
V.C. Malherbe

In “Donald Moodie and the Origins of South African Historiography,” Robert Ross provides an illuminating account of the political agenda which drove Moodie's impressive labor of archival research, transcription, and translation to produce The Record—a title which, abbreviated in this fashion as it normally is, neatly establishes the aura of neutrality which he intended for his compilation of documents. Sections of The Record appeared in print between 1838 and 1841. A decade earlier Moodie had begun to assume the mantle of historian, but his activities then are little known. It appears also that his motives were somewhat different from those behind the later crusade. At a time when the social sciences were embryonic, and Cape historiography was still undeveloped, Moodie's interest was engaged by the relations subsisting between the indigenes and colonists. As investigator he employed certain methods of the fieldworker, notably the oral interview.Moodie has attracted a novelist, but not yet a biographer. In what has been published concerning him thus far, the man remains elusive. The entry in the Dictionary of South African Biography was prepared by the chief archivist of Natal and describes in a few short paragraphs his life before The Record and his transfer to that colony in 1845. Born in the Orkney Islands in 1794, Moodie entered the Royal Navy in 1808. A lieutenant at the time of his retirement on half pay in 1816, he left for India in 1820 but remained instead at the Cape, where his brothers Benjamin and John had settled. The next fifteen or so years, which the DSAB dispatches in a few lines, is the period which is of interest here. During that time he married Sophia Pigot and experienced bouts of insecurity respecting employment—aspects of his personal life with some relevance for the course of action he pursued.


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