scholarly journals BANALIDADE DO MAL E MANUTENÇÃO DA ORDEM SOCIAL: O TERCEIRO REICH E O RACISMO NO BRASIL

polemica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flora Bezerra dos Santos ◽  
Maria Helena Zamora
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Indirect Effects ◽  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct And Indirect Effects ◽  
Banality Of Evil ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 19Th Century

Resumo: A partir da sistematização do conceito de banalidade do mal proposto por Hannah Arendt no livro Eichmann em Jerusalém – um relato sobre a banalidade do mal (1963, 1964, 1999), este trabalho busca apontar para as condições de suposta normalidade, em que se instauram mecanismos de desumanização. Os projetos hegemônicos de poder inscrevem, na ordem social, lógicas que corroboram para a anulação de modos de viver encarados como ameaçadores. Consideradas as devidas diferenças, tanto a sistemática nazista quanto a teoria das raças estipulada em fins do século XIX no Brasil, endossaram a existência de hierarquias entre características humanas. Com isso, traça-se um paralelo entre as pautas políticas nos períodos mencionados, a fim de refletir acerca dos efeitos diretos e indiretos que as práticas genocidas manifestam no cotidiano atual.Palavras-chave: Banalidade do mal. Ordem social. Racismo. Violência. Desumanização.Abstract: Based on the systematization of the concept of banality of evil proposed by Hannah Arendt in the book Eichmann in Jerusalem - a report on the banality of evil (1963, 1964, 1999), this paper aims at indicating the conditions of the supposed normality, in which mechanisms of dehumanization are instaured. The hegemonic projects if power inscribe, in the social order, logics that corroborate with the annulation of ways of living that are seen as threatening. Considering the assumed differences, both the systematic of the nazis and the theory of races stipulated in the end of the 19th century in Brazil, reinforced the existence of hierarchies among human characteristics. Having taken that into account, a parallel is drawn between the political agenda in the aforementioned periods, with the purpose of reflecting upon the direct and indirect effects that the genocidal practices manifest on daily life nowadays.Keywords: Banality of evil. Social order. Racism. Violence. Dehumanization.

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

scholarly journals Literatura policial y policía: reflexiones a partir de dos intervenciones críticas (José Pablo Feinmann y Carlos Gamerro)

2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 197-225
Author(s):  
Hernán Maltz
Keyword(s):  
Detective Fiction ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Crime Fiction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Specific Interest ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Novela Negra ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

I propose a close reading on two critical interventions about crime fiction in Argentina: “Estado policial y novela negra argentina” (1991) by José Pablo Feinmann and “Para una reformulación del género policial argentino” (2006) by Carlos Gamerro. Beyond the time difference between the two, I observe aspects in common. Both texts elaborate a corpus of writers and fictions; propose an interpretative guide between the literary and the political-social series; maintain a specific interest in the relationship between crime fiction and police; and elaborate figures of enunciators who serve both as theorists of the genre and as writers of fiction. Among these four dimensions, the one that particularly interests me here is the third, since it allows me to investigate the link that is assumed between “detective fiction” and “police institution”. My conclusion is twofold: on the one hand, in both essays predominates a reductionist vision of the genre, since a kind of necessity is emphasized in the representation of the social order; on the other, its main objective seems to lie in intervening directly on the definitions of the detective fiction in Argentina (and, on this point, both texts acquire an undoubtedly prescriptive nuance).

scholarly journals Nature/nurture and the anthropology of Franz Boas and Margaret Mead as an agenda for revolutionary politics

2001 ◽  
Vol 7 (16) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney M. Greenfield
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Scientific Theory ◽  
Cultural Relativism ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Franz Boas ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Scientific Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Policy Proposals

There is much more involved in the nature/nurture debate than an abstract theoretical disagreement among dispassionate scientists. Each side of the debate leads logically to significantly different views of the social order and holds different implications for social policy. In this paper I shall argue that Boas' Anthropology with its emphasis on cultural relativism was as much a social and political agenda as it was a scientific theory. The positions on public policy issues he opposed were informed (and rationalized) by what its advocates claimed to be science. To be able to counter the discriminatory policy proposals that followed from this science, it was necessary for Boas both to challenge its validity and then replace it with an alternative that would support a more liberal political agenda. This chapter of anthropology's history gains relevance in today's context as neoevolutionary, reductionist theories once more provide "scientific" support for conservative, separatist and often discriminatory social policies.

The Social Inferiority of Religious Minorities

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Tolan ◽  
Gilles Veinstein ◽  
Henry Laurens
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Social Success ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Social

This chapter examines the fate of the minority Christians in the Muslim countries of Europe and of minority Muslims in Christian countries in the aftermath of conquest. It shows that, once the conquest was achieved, the new subjects had to be integrated into the political and social order. These religious “minorities,” who in actuality were often in the numerical majority immediately after the conquest, were usually granted a protected but subordinate place in society. Theologians and jurists justified their subordination, defining their role with reference to the founding texts (Qur'an, Hadith, Bible, or Roman law). These minorities were sometimes the victims of persecutions, acts of violence, and expulsions, but in general they enjoyed a status where their theoretical inferiority (religious and legal) did not prevent some of them from achieving clear economic and social success.

The cycle of the new left in the recent history of Argentina

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-279
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Tortti ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Left ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Actors

This paper aims at outlining the main processes that, in Argentina’s recent past, may enable us to understand the emergence, development and eventual defeat of the social protest movement and the political radicalization of the period 1960-70s.Here, as in previous papers, we resort to the concept of new left toname the movement that, though heterogeneous and lacking a unified direction, became a major unit in deeds, for multiple actors coming the most diverse angles coincided in opposing the vicious political regime and the social order it supported. Consequently, we shall try to reinstate the presence of such wide range of actors: their projects, objectives and speeches. Some critical circumstances shall be detailed and processes through which protests gradually amalgamated will be shown. Such extended politicization provided the frame for quite radical moves ranging from contracultural initiatives and the classism in the workers’ movement to the actual action of guerrilla groups. Through the dynamics of the events themselves we shall locate the peak moments as well as those which paved the way for their closure and eventual defeat in 1976.

The Yadava Century

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lee Novetzke
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social

Explores the sociopolitical world of the Yadava century that served as the context for Marathi literary vernacularization. The Yadavas, also called the Sevunas, were a non-Brahmin dynasty that stabilized their political territory by creating a clientelist Brahminical ecumene. As a system this Brahminical ecumene served the political aims of the non-Brahmin Yadava state. This chapter outlines the social order in which vernacularization would emerge.

Krieg und Frieden. Land und Militär in direkter Konfrontation 1797–1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 331-358
Author(s):  
Willibald Rosner
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

War and Peace. Land and Military in Direct Confrontation 1797–1918. This chapter focuses on the extremes in relations between the land and the military. The first part deals with the period until 1866, when wars actually took place on Lower Austrian soil and foreign forces were stationed in the land. Here the analysis centres on strategies developed by the population to cope with extraordinary situations. The second section deals with the emergence of the military as a state regulatory power in the sphere of internal and public security in war and peace. The social conflicts following the Vormärz and the political movements in the second half of the 19th century played a role here, as did the First World War, when, although Lower Austria was not a frontline area, the military were the dominant factor in terms of internal security, public control, working life and food security.

Introduction

2010 ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela T. Ragusa
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Ways Of Knowing ◽  
Change Over Time ◽  
Sandra Harding ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Over Time

Epistemology is the concept used to describe ways of knowing. In other words, how you know what you know. Sociologists have been interested in how knowledge is produced since the discipline was founded in the 19th Century. How we come to know our world and make sense of it are influenced by social institutions, individual attitudes and behaviors, and our demographic position within the social order. The social order is an historical product which continues to change over time. To facilitate our learning from our socio-historical experiences, sociologists frequently turn to ideas expressed by social theorists. Social theory, whether classical or contemporary, may thus be employed to help us make sense of changes in our social and material world. Although technology is arguably as ancient as our first ancestors, as the chapters in this book reveal, the characteristics of and communications within our postindustrial society vary greatly from those which occurred in the age of modernity. This introductory chapter identifies a few well-known social theorists who have historically attempted to explain how and why social systems, at macro and micro levels, change over time. Next, it contextualizes communication as a cultural product, arguing the best way to examine the topic is from multiple, local perspectives. In the feminist tradition of postmodernist Sandra Harding, it implores us to consider the premise and source of the knowledge sources we use and espouse while communicating and interacting in specific ways and environments. Finally, grounded in the systemic backdrop of social inequality, this chapter encourages readers to begin the task of critical thinking and reflecting about how each of us, as individuals and members of local communities, nations and the world, assuage or reproduces the structurally-derived inequalities which the globalization of communication and technical systems and interacting in a global environment manifests.

scholarly journals UMA HISTÓRIA DA IDÉIA DE UTOPIA: O REAL E O IMAGINÁRIO NO PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO DE THOMAS MORUS

2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Antônio Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Intensive Agriculture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Thomas More ◽  
The Social ◽  
Agrarian Communities ◽  
Article Analysis ◽  
History Of

Morus não é o criador do pensamento político utópico, mas é o teórico que fez circular o ideal utópico, em sua corrente mais influente. Foi ele quem criou a palavra Utopia. Morus foi o primeiro a criticar a ordem social orientada pela exploração do trabalho e pela força do dinheiro. Ele é crítico da agricultura intensiva que leva à desestruturação das comunidades agrárias. Como Maquiavel, ele transita pela esfera do poder, uma esfera de ligações perigosas. De um modo diferente, ele tentou também separar a ética da política. Este artigo analisa estes aspectos de seu pensamento político. A history of the idea of utopia: reality and imagination in the political thought of Thomas More Abstract Morus is not the creator of the utopian political thought, but it is the theoretical that makes to circulate the utopian ideal, in its more important version. It went him who created to word Utopia. Morus was the first to criticize the social order guided by the exploration of the work and for force of the money. He is critical of the intensive agriculture that upside down the agrarian communities. As Maquiavel, he walk for the sphere of the power, a sphere of dangerous connections. In a different way, he also tried to separate the ethical of the politics. This article analysis these aspects of its political thought.

The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Formal Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.

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