It is not easy to weave together the various inititiatives of the early 1980s. A major achievement of the previous decade was agreement to hold direct elections to the European Parliament. These first took place in 1979. Once elected, Parliament not unnaturally sought a rather greater role in the decision-making process with the aspiration of becoming a major Community player. Parliament’s decision to focus on the concept of European Union was at least in part a reaction to the Genscher-Colombo plan. Spinelli was the driving force in deliberations which ultimately produced the text of a draft treaty on European Union, handed over to member governments in spring 1984. Much more detailed than Genscher-Colombo or the Solemn Declaration, this was another initiative helping to promote a positive atmosphere for the forthcoming European Council to be held at Fontainebleau in June 1984. France had taken over the the Presidency of the Council in January 1984. Mitterrand clearly already intended to use this position to revive the dynamic of integration, but his approach may well have been influenced by the draft treaty. In May

2006 ◽  
pp. 82-82
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guri Rosén ◽  
Kolja Raube

The European Union’s foreign and security policy is commonly described as an intergovernmental affair. Despite limited formal powers, several studies suggest that the European Parliament has increased its influence on the Union’s foreign and security policy. This article argues that, to gauge the significance of parliamentary participation, it is necessary to look beyond the notion of formal parliamentary rights and to take into account informal influence. The analysis shows how informal avenues of influence are crucial at certain stages of the decision-making process, and points to factors that constrain and enable parliamentary impact. Furthermore, it emphasises the important role that parliaments play in scrutinising security policy, which is a crucial component of democratic governance. In this particular field where there is little legislation, the establishment of solid procedures and practices for oversight and control can also be a significant indicator of parliamentary influence.


Author(s):  
Michael Shackleton

This chapter examines how the power of the democratic idea drives change in the European Parliament’s (EP) powers. The EP, the only directly elected institution of the European Union, derives its authority from national electorates rather than national governments and is therefore a transnational institution. Since the first direct elections in 1979, the EP’s powers and status have grown dramatically, culminating in the changes agreed under the 2007 Lisbon Treaty. Nevertheless, the EU is perceived to be suffering from a ‘democratic deficit’. This chapter first traces the historical evolution of the EP before discussing its decision-making. It then considers how the EP aggregates interests, what influence it exercises, and what kind of body it is becoming. It concludes by assessing various perspectives about the EU’s democratic deficit. The chapter stresses the importance of consensus mechanisms within the EP as well as those that link it to other EU institutions.


Politics ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-87
Author(s):  
Mark Baimbridge ◽  
Brian Burkitt

The disagreement within the European Union (EU) concerning the system of qualified majority voting highlighted the inequalities within the present allocation of votes. With enlargement these inequalities are likely to intensify. We suggest that the EU should examine alternative methods for the allocation of Council votes. Two possible scenarios are allocation according to population size, and second, allocation based upon contributions to the EU budget. We conclude that either of these methods would offer a greater degree of equity, stability and flexibility in the decision-making process of the European Council.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
Gavrilov Doina

AbstractThe EU decision-making process is one that has changed over time with the Treaties, with the extension, modification of EU policies and the areas where the EU is acting. In addition to the above, in 2016 we have one more reason to add to the changing of the decisional process “-Brexit”- a political turnaround that stimulates new changes at the decision-making level and raises questions about the future of the European Union. Federalists claim that these events will lead to a strengthening of the Union, and euro-skeptics claim that this is a step towards breaking the Union. Two years after the Brexit started, the European Union continues to remain a prominent actor in the international arena, but another question is being raised: “Will EU institutions act on the same principles? Or will there be changes in the decision-making process?”. In this article, we will analyse the state coalitions in the decision-making process, and the role of Brexit in forming coalitions for establishing a decisional balance in the European Council. Following the analysis of the power rapport in the European Council, we refer to small and medium-sized states that work together closely to counterbalance the decisions of the big states, and the new coalitions to achieve their goals in the new political context.


1986 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor

THE CONFERENCE OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL AT LUXEMBOURG in December 1985 was a considerable disappointment to advocates of European Union. Instead, as was once hoped, of proposing wide-ranging amendments to the Treaty of Rome, the Council contented itself with a rag-bag of minor changes. For the time being, therefore, the prospect of any fundamental reform in the working of the European Community should probably be ruled out.Nevertheless, it is unlikely that the pressure for reform – fuelled as it is by a directly elected Parliament which feels itself excluded from the decision-making process in the Community – will disappear. The reformers will, no doubt, pause to regroup their forces so as to apply pressure more effectively when the issue returns once more to the agenda of European politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Stefan Marek Grochalski

Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament’s powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Petr YAKOVLEV

The decision on Britain’s secession from the European Union, taken by the British Parliament and agreed by London and Brussels, divided the Union history into “before” and “after”. Not only will the remaining member states have to “digest” the political, commercial, economic and mental consequences of parting with one of the largest partners. They will also have to create a substantially new algorithm for the functioning of United Europe. On this path, the EU is confronted with many geopolitical and geo-economic challenges, which should be answered by the new leaders of the European Commission, European Council, and European Parliament.


Author(s):  
Panos Koutrakos

A main feature of the European Union’s constitutional arrangements, as laid down in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), is the organization of the rules governing external policies around the theme of integration. This is illustrated in different ways. First, the external policies of the Union are all part of what the Treaties describe as the Union’s ‘external action’. Terms such as ‘external policies’ or ‘actions’ are avoided. Instead, the choice of the reference to ‘external action’ signifies the design of the EU’s foreign affairs as a coherent whole.


Author(s):  
Neil Parpworth

The aims of this chapter are threefold. It first briefly considers the events that have led to the creation of the European Community (EC) and the European Union (EU). Secondly, it introduces the reader to the principal institutions of the Union: the European Council; the Council of Ministers; the European Commission; the European Parliament; and the Court of Justice of the EU and General Court. The nature and functions of each of these bodies is considered. Thirdly, the chapter indicates, where appropriate, the nature of the institutional reforms which have occurred following the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty by the member states.


Author(s):  
Neil Parpworth

This chapter has three aims. It first briefly considers the origins of the what is now the European Union (EU). Secondly, it discusses the institutions of the Union, the European Council, the Council of Ministers, the European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Court of Justice of the EU and General Court. The nature and functions of these bodies is considered. Thirdly, the chapter indicates the nature of institutional reforms which have occurred following the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty.


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