A comparative look at right-wing extremism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobic hate crimes in Poland, Ukraine, and Russia

2013 ◽  
pp. 99-119
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Sarah Meyers

Since the beginning of Donald Trump’s campaign for the United States’ presidency, the international community has arguably seen a significant uptick in hate-motivated right-wing extremist (RWE) violence. While this is not the first time that sentiments such as racism, anti- Semitism, and misogyny have gained widespread popularity, it could be argued that the means through which these ideas are being communicated and the ways in which they are being expressed have transformed. One aspect that has not changed is the presence of hate crime in the locations where RWE actors or sentiments are prevalent. These hate crimes can cause fear in the communities that are being targeted by RWE messengers, thereby disrupting community harmony and public safety as a whole.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Susanne Johansson

German Youth Institute (Deutsches Jugendinstitut e.V.),Franckeplatz 1, Hs. 12-12, D-06110 Halle, Germany.Tel.: +49-345-6817828. E-Mail: [email protected] Xenophobic, anti-Semitic and right-wing extremist attitudes continue to pose a serious problem and an ongoing challenge among German youth. Since problematic attitudes and risk groups change with time and according to political circumstances and social change, there is a constant need for the development of new practices and the innovative adaption of existing strategies of pedagogical prevention. Evaluations of German government model programs aimed at the pedagogical prevention of xenophobia, anti-Semitism and right-wing extremism show that sustainable prevention effects can be reached on the basis of productive cooperation between formal and non-formal educators. In order to improve their efforts toward prevention and cooperation, both partners have to refine their collaborative models and their methodology as well as to react better to changes in the composition of groups of participants and students in a society characterized by immigration and globalization.Key words: right-wing extremism, xenophobia, evaluation, prevention, non-formal education.Novatoriški bendradarbiavimo metodaiirmodeliaiksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginėje prevencijoje: geresnio bendradarbiavimo tarp formalaus ir neformalaus ugdymo galimybės ir perspektyvos VokietijojeSusanne JohanssonSantraukaKsenofobija, antisemitizmas, dešinysis ekstremizmas yra rimtos Vokietijos jaunimo problemos. Socialiniai ir politiniai pokyčiai sukuria naujų ideologijų ir socialinių grupių. Siekiant spręsti atsirandančias problemas, pedagoginės prevencijos praktikos turi būti atnaujinamos, vystomos. Vokietijos valstybinių ksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginės prevencijos programų įvertinimas rodo, kad tvarią prevenciją galima pasiekti produktyviai bendradarbiaujant formaliems ir neformaliems ugdytojams. Norėdami pagerinti bendradarbiavimą, formalūs ir neformalūs ugdytojai turi pakeisti savo bendradarbiavimo ir darbo metodų modelius.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: dešinysis ekstremizmas, ksenofobija, įvertinimas, prevencija, neformalus ugdymas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 422-423
Author(s):  
Kathleen Webb Tunney

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110059
Author(s):  
Tamir Bar-On

In this paper, I argue that the Alt-Right needs to be taken seriously by the liberal establishment, the general public, and leftist cultural elites for five main reasons: 1) its ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ borrows from the French New Right ( Nouvelle Droite – ND) and the French and pan-European Identitarian movement. This means that it is engaged in the continuation of a larger Euro-American metapolitical struggle to change hearts and minds on issues related to white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racialism; 2) it is indebted to the metapolitical evolution of sectors of the violent neo-Nazi and earlier white nationalist movements in the USA; 3) this metapolitical orientation uses the mass media, the internet, and social media in general to reach and influence the masses of Americans; 4) the ‘cultural war’ means that the Alt-Right’s spokesman Richard Spencer, French ND leader Alain de Benoist, and other intellectuals see themselves as a type of Leninist vanguard on the radical right, which borrows from left-wing authors such as Antonio Gramsci and their positions in order to win the metapolitical struggle against ‘dominant’ liberal and left-wing political and cultural elites; and 5) this ‘cultural war’ is intellectually and philosophically sophisticated because it understands the crucial role of culture in destabilizing liberal society and makes use of important philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Carl Schmitt, Julius Evola and others in order to give credence to its revolutionary, racialist, and anti-liberal ideals.


Contexts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-68
Author(s):  
Kevin Singer ◽  
Ashley Staples ◽  
Matthew J. Mayhew ◽  
Alyssa N. Rockenbach

Hate crimes against Jews in America are on the rise, including on college campuses. In this article, the authors share details about their recent study, The Interfaith Diversity Experiences and Attitudes Longitudinal Survey (IDEALS), which surveyed thousands of students at over 120 schools. The findings show that Jewish students are the least likely among their peers to view their campus environments as welcoming to people of diverse faiths.


Author(s):  
Ljupcho Stevkovski

It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.


1995 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 448-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Schönwälder

2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198934
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document