The Political and Legal Environment

2014 ◽  
pp. 237-268
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 06017
Author(s):  
Nataliia Gavkalova ◽  
Oleg Amosov ◽  
Alona Zolenko ◽  
Iryna Sierova

The high importance of social entrepreneurship for the development of national and regional economies is widely recognized. This article contributes to the emerging theoretical discourse of social entrepreneurship by explicating the representatives of different schools. Social entrepreneurship occupies a third sector between the private sector of the economy and the non-profit sector as it aims to solve social problems. Social entrepreneurship functions as an organization that selfsustains at the expense of the innovative organization of its core business. The article suggests holistic approaches to entrepreneurship research based on entrepreneur-associated factors, characteristics of the political and legal environment. These determinants can have direct or indirect influences on entrepreneurial processes mandatory for the development of social entrepreneurship. To determine the strengths and weaknesses of the development of social entrepreneurship in Ukraine, as well as its opportunities and threats, the SWOT analysis was carried out. The actions required to improve the current state of social entrepreneurship were justified. The detection of threats and opportunities has made it possible to identify priorities for the development of social entrepreneurship in Ukraine, taking into account existing risks.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan E. Wiseman ◽  
Jerry Ellig

We discuss the political and legal environment surrounding Internet wine sales, and consider the arguments in the debate over direct shipment bans on wine by investigating the wine market in the Northern Virginia suburbs of Washington, DC. Using a sample of wines identified by Wine and Spirits magazine's annual restaurant poll, we find that 15 percent of wines available online were not available from retail wine stores within 10 miles of McLean, Virginia during the month the data were collected. Our results also indicate that Virginia's direct shipment ban, which was in place until 2003, prevented consumers from purchasing some premium wines at lower prices online. Aggregate cost savings depends on the consumer's shopping strategy, the price per bottle, the quantity of wine ordered, and the shipping method chosen. For the entire sample, online purchase could result in an average savings of as much as 3.6 percent or an average premium of as much as 48 percent. A comparison shopper who considers both online and offline retailers could save an average of 1.6-9.7 percent. These results help explain why consumers and producers have found it worthwhile to challenge interstate direct shipment bans, which tend to benefit wine wholesalers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-530
Author(s):  
Csaba Balázs Rigó ◽  
András Tóth

Global companies providing digital services utilise the public services of the countries from which they derive their revenue generating datasets. Despite this, they do not necessarily contribute to supporting public burden in these countries. The present study aims to demonstrate the importance of digital services taxation not only in terms of increasing tax revenue, but also in terms of symbolic significance. It is argued that global digital companies should provide a fair contribution, in the form of a percentage of the revenue generated from the use of citizens’ data, to those countries from which these data are derived. In other words, states should also receive a fair share of the exploitation of what can be considered as the “new oil”, namely data. After analysing the political and legal environment and reviewing theories of state philosophy, the authors conclude that the success of joint action at EU level on this symbolic issue is highly questionable and therefore action at level of individual Member States may be needed.


Author(s):  
S. V. Volodina

The article analyzes legal confidence-the most important dimension of social confidence. Confidence in law is a multidimensional and complex phenomenon determined not only by the effectiveness of the work of legal mechanisms but also by the conditions and factors inherent in a particular society. The author examines such aspects as a system of legal confidence, mutual influence of interpersonal and institutional confidence in the legal environment, the balance between confidence and non-confidence. Based on the results of the study, the author concludes that confidence is a key resource that objectively determines the dynamics of legal consciousness and behavior. The more examples of effectiveness of the legal system and jurisprudence an individual sees, the higher his confidence not only in law and its elements, but also in the political order as a whole. In this respect, legal confidence seems to be more institutional and organized type of social confidence. A high level of public confidence in public authorities can minimize the risks of imperfections in the legal system, but it should not replace it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 103-118
Author(s):  
Renata Kusiak-Winter

LEGAL AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIONThe analysis of the political and legal environment of the public administration has been presented from the point of view of arational lawmaker who aims the legal framework enabling influence of politics on the administration. This is reflected in the general administrative law, the administrative law of organizational structures, the substantive administrative law and the procedural administrative law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (11/12) ◽  
pp. 1473-1489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Toepler ◽  
Christian Fröhlich

PurposeThe growing trend towards closing the political space for civil society in authoritarian regimes has primarily targeted NGOs focused on rights-based advocacy. Drawing on a study of disability NGOs in Russia, this paper seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the advocacy options that nonprofit organizations have even in repressive political contexts. The authors first review the extant literature to identify common actors, types and tactics and then trace what types of advocacy Russian NGOs are engaged in and what tactics they are able to utilize.Design/methodology/approachThe empirical part of this paper is based on 20 interviews conducted among active participants in disability NGOs in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Perm and Nizhniy Novgorod. Despite not being a representative sample of organizations, the selection of cities and organizations was intended to reflect spatial and structural factors of the field.FindingsThe authors find that NGOs are able to pursue a broad range of advocacy activities despite a generally restrictive legal environment for civil society.Research limitations/implicationsResearch on advocacy in authoritarian countries is often focused on NGOs that are primarily engaged in these activities. This has overshadowed the considerable leeway that nonprofit service providers have to engage in advocacy.Practical implicationsService-providing NGOs should not forsake advocacy activities, even in authoritarian contexts, but can find access points in the political system and should seek to utilize their voice on behalf of their clients.Social implicationsDespite general restrictions, NGOs can still find ways to successfully secure social rights, justice and solidarity, provided they accept the supremacy of the state in social policy and appeal to the state's responsibility for the welfare of its citizens without directly questioning the overall status quo too heavily.Originality/valueWe develop a broad framework for various advocacy forms and activities and apply it to nonprofit service providers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Spasovska ◽  
Iso Rusi

The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.


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