Aiding the state or aiding corruption? Aid and corruption in post- conflict countries

2012 ◽  
pp. 98-114
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Post Conflict

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Local Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
First Time

After war, rebuilding the state’s presence—or building it up for the first time—is both a physical and social endeavor requiring new norms of compliance and cooperation. Local authority is deeply contested and the state typically has minimal presence. These conditions are akin to those described in the state of nature. To escape these conditions, Hobbes and Locke argued for the necessity of a sovereign to impose order and impartial justice to form what I call the kernel of the state. Extralegal groups orient societies in that direction by performing a set of visible and hidden functions in contemporary post-conflict environments. But they are not intentionally state-making. Rather, extralegal groups are driven by the need to create a stable trading environment and state-making is a by-product of this imperative. In the contemporary era, the motivation that drives extralegal groups to begin state-making is trade, not war.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Dual Nature ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Local Populations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Commercial Environment

This chapter introduces the concept of extralegal groups and a theoretical framework for analyzing them—how they emerge, develop, and become entrenched over time. It explores their dual nature as threats to the state and as local statebuilders. Formally, an extralegal group is defined as a set of individuals with a proven capacity for violence who work outside the law for profit and provide basic governance functions to sustain its business interests. This framing shows how political authority can develop as a by-product of the commercial environment, even where the state has little or no presence. In post-conflict societies, the predatory nature and historical abuses of citizens conducted in the name of the state means that government is not always more trusted or better able to look after the interests of local populations than an extralegal group. Ultimately, extralegal groups blur the lines between the formal and informal; the licit and illicit.

Factors that Impede or Facilitate Post-Conflict Justice Mechanisms?

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn L. Rothe ◽  
Scott Maggard
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Empirical Testing ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
Post Conflict

This article provides an overview of post-conflict justice (PCJ) as well as a detailed analysis of factors that impede or facilitate the implementation of mechanisms to address the atrocities of a conflict. Grounded in an extensive new dataset, developed over the past three years, covering all conflicts in Africa between 1946 and 2009, we extend previous research by including empirical testing of previously untested assumptions and variables impacting PCJ, most notably, the role of power, politics, economics, and geo-strategic interests at the state and international political levels as well as combining previously tested variables amongst and between each other. Further, the aspects of PCJ, including conflicts where mechanisms were not deployed are included in the analysis along with those coded as symbolic in nature. We conclude by discussing the pragmatic issues associated with testing the concept of realpolitik and policy implications based on our analysis.

scholarly journals A Prologue to Development: Establishing the legitimacy of the rule of law in post-conflict Solomon Islands

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Finbar Benedict Kiddle
Keyword(s):  
Capacity Building ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Solomon Islands ◽  
Initial Response ◽  
The State ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Shared Beliefs ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Individual

<p>The rule of law forms the bedrock for societal and institutional organisation in the Western world. International actors see its establishment in developing countries as a means to facilitate wider development work and an end in and of itself. However, development of the legitimacy of the rule of law is not well understood, especially in post-conflict environments where it is most lacking. Despite the best efforts of international interventions, the rule of law is often not in the paramount position it requires: it lacks legitimacy amongst the people. To understand why this is the case there is a need for a better understanding of how interventions develop legitimacy in the rule of law. This research develops that understanding and asks the question ‘how does the contemporary peacebuilding agenda develop the legitimacy of the rule of law in post-conflict states?’ To do this the research undertakes a case study investigation of a particular intervention: the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands. Discourse and content analyses, carried out on interview transcripts and a wealth of documentation, reveal the different forces exerted by the intervention to develop legitimacy in the rule of law. These are interpreted through a particular lens: a modified version of Luke’s three faces of power that also draws on concepts of governmentality. A four-dimensional definition of legitimacy also allows for greater analytical depth. The research shows that the contemporary peacebuilding agenda can do some things very well. It is especially effective at the initial response to crisis. It is after the establishment of this basic security/performance dimension of the rule of law that interventions begin to develop their institutional/process dimension through capacity building. Capacity building divides into three levels: the individual, the organisation, and the state. It integrates the rule of law across the state edifice and establishes it as a foundational element of the system. However, the most important aspect of building legitimacy is the development of shared beliefs, as it is these that establish what is ‘true’ amongst a society. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions portray the rule of law as intrinsically legitimate and the correct, rational way of organising society. This idea permeates through their structures, discourses, and methods. However, the rule of law is not intrinsically legitimate. It is a culturally constructed concept that in many countries is in opposition with alternative ways of organising society and resolving conflict. Developing legitimacy in the rule of law is then a struggle between competing organisational systems. Such conflict jeopardises gains made by interventions, as the rule of law is fighting an uphill battle against other internalised, and often more locally reverent, norms. If it is to establish in post-conflict environments, the rule of law and competing systems need to interact to produce a locally relevant, hybrid, conception of the rule of law. One that is recognisable to all sides, but unique to the context. This leads to peace.</p>

George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Post-Conflict Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Post Conflict

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.

scholarly journals Perceptions of the Colombian business sector regarding its role in the post-conflict

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (64) ◽  
pp. 36-50
Author(s):  
Julio Alfonso González-Mendoza ◽  
William Avendaño ◽  
Gerson Rueda-Vera
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Design ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Quantitative Approach ◽  
Business Sector ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Lack Of Knowledge

The objective of this research is to analyze the role of the Colombian business sector in the post-conflict scenario and the construction of peace from the perception of entrepreneurs. It is a study framed in the empirical-analytical paradigm and the quantitative approach. The research has an explanatory level and non-experimental design. A questionnaire was used as a tool that was applied to 200 companies, from the main cities of Colombia, belonging to the commercial, services, manufacturing and financial sectors. The main findings show that entrepreneurs are willing to participate in post-conflict from different mechanisms, although there is a lack of knowledge of most of these. Likewise, employers’ concerns about the scope of their participation in the post-conflict are evident, which allows concluding the need for the State to establish clearly and precisely the linkage of the private sector in the process, and the ways of articulating the institutional activity with the possible support of companies.

scholarly journals LYNCHNING: EN SVØBE FOR MENNESKEHEDEN

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Stepputat
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Self Defence

The article explores the phenomenon of mob violence in predominatly Mayan towns in rural Guatemala. Since 1996, more than 100 people have been killed by crowds in rural towns. The victims have usually been young men accused of often minor criminal acts, or representatives of the state trying to protect the victims. The occurrence of mob violence coincides roughly with the area where the army organized civil self-defence patrols during the civil war from 1981-96 as part of the national security counterinsurgency program. The post-conflict transition has paradoxically brought security back to the top of the political agenda as political violence has been substituted and overshadowed by violence related to drug trafficking and other forms of criminality. The article shows how mob violence has been interpreted in the context of postconflict transformations where the elimination of violence and violent conflicts has been addressed as an object of development, and suggests that we, in addition to common sociological interpretations, may understand lynchings as an exclusive practice of communal sovereignty within a transnational political field of politics of in/security.  

scholarly journals The Basic Principles of Training Future Teachers to Work With Younger Students With Experience of Traumatic Effects

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-384
Author(s):  
Alla Belousova ◽  
Anna Grinko ◽  
Olga Fedotova ◽  
Marachli Nusaiba ◽  
Alali Shiraz
Keyword(s):  
Collaborative Learning ◽  
Learning Technologies ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Pedagogical Issues ◽  
Future Teachers ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The World

The article shows that the unstable situation in the world leads to possible armed conflicts, affecting primarily children, experiencing various traumatic consequences. Such a situation arises in post-conflict regions and creates a need for teachers who possess the necessary competencies when teaching children with experience of traumatic effects. The purpose of the article is to study the state and trends in the development of psychological and pedagogical issues related to the use of collaborative learning technologies to form the psychological culture of future teachers in order to further work with children with experience of traumatic effects. It is shown that the analysis of the formation and development of the problems of group psychological corrective work is grounded on the basic principles identified by representatives of various directions. The authors propose to build the training of future teachers on the basis of a model of joint thinking for the subsequent organization of teachers’ interaction with children who have experience of traumatic effects. The authors analyzed the basic principles of group psychologically corrective work from the point of view of the possibilities of organizing joint thinking. The basic principles of the organization of training of future teachers were highlighted, their meaningful characteristics for the purposes of organizing joint thinking were given. A comparison of the principles of group psychological corrective work and the principles of the organization of joint thinking of future teachers is carried out. Their correlation and the importance of using joint thinking in organizing the training of future teachers and for conducting psychologically corrective work with children are shown.

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