Rosmini-Serbati, Antonio (1797–1855)

Author(s):  
Guido Verucci

In the reactionary, anti-Enlightenment, spiritualistic climate of Italy and Europe in the first decades of the nineteenth century, the Italian philosopher Rosmini set out to elaborate a Christian, Catholic system of philosophy which drew elements from Platonic, Augustinian and Thomist thought, while also taking account of recent philosophical developments, especially Kantian ones, as well as of the new liberal political trends in the culture of the time. His aim was to restore the principle of objectivity in the field of gnoseology, as well as in ethics, law and political thought.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Alex Middleton

William Rathbone Greg's name is well known to historians of nineteenth-century Britain, but the content of his political thought is not. This article, based on a comprehensive reading of Greg's prolific published output, has two aims. The first is to pin down his politics. The article positions Greg as a leading spokesman for the rationalistic, antidemocratic strand of mid-Victorian Liberalism. It argues that his thought centered on the idea that politics was a science, and that scientific statesmanship might solve many of the problems of the age. The article's second aim is to show that Greg was a sophisticated thinker on politics overseas. He developed distinctive arguments about the structures of European politics, and especially about France under the Second Empire (1852–70). Greg's writings cast important light on the connections between abstract, domestic, and European issues in less familiar reaches of Liberal thought, and on how Victorian political science grappled with Continental despotism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Sokół

The subject of this essay is Andrzej Waśkiewicz’s book Ludzie – rzeczy – ludzie. O porządkach społecznych, gdzie rzeczy łączą, nie dzielą (People–Things–People: On Social Orders Where Things Connect Rather Than Divide People). The book is the work of a historian of ideas and concerns contemporary searches for alternatives to capitalism: the review presents the book’s overview of visions of society in which the market, property, inequality, or profit do not play significant roles. Such visions reach back to Western utopian social and political thought, from Plato to the nineteenth century. In comparing these ideas with contemporary visions of the world of post-capitalism, the author of the book proposes a general typology of such images. Ultimately, in reference to Simmel, he takes a critical stance toward the proposals, recognizing the exchange of goods to be a fundamental and indispensable element of social life. The author of the review raises two issues that came to mind while reading the book. First, the juxtaposition of texts of a very different nature within the uniform category of “utopia” causes us to question the role and status of reflections regarding the future and of speculative theory in contemporary social thought; second, such a juxtaposition suggests that reflecting on the social “optimal good” requires a much more precise and complex conception of a “thing,” for instance, as is proposed by new materialism or anthropological studies of objects and value as such.


1968 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 226
Author(s):  
Sidney Monas ◽  
Leonard Schapiro

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
George Feaver

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Michela Nacci

Gustave de Beaumont was clearly a counter voice within the debate about national characters that engaged nineteenth-century French political thought. This was not the first time that Beaumont set himself apart for the originality of his convictions. For instance, on the Irish question, he did not take Ireland's part against England out of allegiance to the Catholicism of the Irish as opposed to the Anglicanism of the English (which was why most of French public opinion was for Ireland); rather, studying the issue led him to see the English presence in Ireland as a policy of oppression and discrimination.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter opens with a discussion of the mutable vocabulary of empire and liberalism, before analyzing some of the most important recent scholarship on the subject. It argues that two main weaknesses run through scholarly commentary on liberalism and empire: a tendency to overlook the significance of settler colonialism and an over-reliance on canonical interpretations of liberalism. Settler colonialism played a crucial role in nineteenth-century imperial thought, and liberalism in particular, yet it has largely been ignored in the burst of writing about the intellectual foundations of the Victorian empire. Utilizing canonical interpretations of liberalism, meanwhile, has generated some skewed claims about the historical connections between liberal political thought and empire.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
ALEX MIDDLETON

Abstract This review explores recent historiography on the international and imperial dimensions of nineteenth-century British politics. In particular, it charts historians’ attempts to assess how British engagement with politics overseas – in Europe, the empire, and the ‘rest of the world’ – helped to shape domestic political structures, cultures, and ideologies. While concentrating mainly on studies produced during the last twenty years, the review also affirms the continued relevance of work from before the turn of the century, and suggests that some of the most compelling approaches to connecting ‘domestic’ and ‘international’ politics may lie in older historiography. It proposes also that political historians might engage more closely with relevant scholarship by intellectual historians and historians of political thought.


Author(s):  
Michael Drolet

In post-revolutionary France, ‘democracy’ came to be conceived above all as a social condition: the condition of equality that had resulted from the abolition of privilege during the revolutionary years. This chapter focuses on how French thinkers conceptualised the implications – psychological as well as social – of this condition. Many were concerned about an updated version of a classic problem: how to reconcile individual and general interest. Unlike the British, who were relatively relaxed about the pursuit of self-interest, the French continued to believe that the pursuit of the general will imposed significant demands on the self. Both liberals and socialists worried that modern democratic society, inasmuch as it was also characterised by materialism and social division, failed to nurture appropriate forms of self. In consequence, people in general were self-seeking, or the ruling classes specifically were self-seeking. Individuals suffered stress, and society was riven by tension and conflict.


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