Mansour, Sliman (b.1947, Palestine)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Ann Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Fine Arts ◽  
Olive Tree ◽  
The Political ◽  
Art Making ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Orange Tree ◽  
Political Act ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Village Life ◽  
Palestinian Woman

Born in 1947 in Birzeit, Palestine (north of Ramallah), Sliman Mansour studied fine arts at the Bezalel Art Academy in Jerusalem. Since the 1970s, his works on paper have contributed to the development of a visual iconography of the Palestinian struggle: the orange tree (symbol of the 1948 Nakba), the olive tree (symbol of the 1967 war), traditional Palestinian embroidery, village life, and the Palestinian woman as the maternal figure of Palestine. In 1987, together with artists Vera Tamari, Tayseer Barakat, and Nabil Anani, Mansour founded New Visions, a collective formed in response to the first intifada (1987–1993). Boycotting art supplies imported from Israel, the artists instead worked with natural materials (coffee, henna, and clay), thereby tying the process of art making to the land and its struggle. In doing so, art no longer merely represented the political. Instead, artistic production itself became a political act. Mansour is known for using mud as a medium. By layering and moulding mud into figural compositions on wooden frameworks, Mansour deploys the literal land to artistically depict Palestine, its history, and its people.

Jader, Khalid al- (1922–1988)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany Renee Floyd
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
High Standard ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Islamic Art ◽  
Active Participant ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
College Of Law ◽  
Village Life

Dr Khalid al-Jader was born in Baghdad, Iraq. He had a distinguished career as an Iraqi artist, scholar, and administrator throughout the mid-20th century. He gained degrees in both law and art by studying at the Institute of Fine Arts and the College of Law in Baghdad simultaneously. He then traveled to Paris in 1954 where he subsequently received a PhD in Islamic Art from the Sorbonne and joined the Salon de Paris. After returning to Baghdad, al-Jader held several prominent institutional positions, including deanship at the Institute of Fine Arts and the Academy of Fine Arts, which he helped to found. He was also the chair of the National Committee for Plastic Art with UNESCO. As an administrator, he was known to hold his students and employees to a high standard and was meticulous in his responsibilities. Adding to this impressive résumé, al-Jader was also an active participant in several art groups, such as the Pioneers, the Impressionists, and the Society of Iraqi Plastic Artists. Palestinian writer Jabra Ibrahim Jabra described al-Jader’s artistic production as having a distinct Iraqi nature; indeed, his canvases are focused on the urban inlets of Baghdad, as well as the crannies of Iraqi village life. He interprets these scenes through sweeping brushstrokes, as well as quick, concentrated strokes of color. Al-Jader exhibited his own work extensively both locally and internationally. His works have been displayed in France, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Poland, Russia, Poland, and Denmark.

scholarly journals The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political: Towards a critique of the reason of the ethos

2003 ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Simo Elakovic
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Crisis Of Modernity ◽  
Political Decision Making

The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political is seen by the author primarily as a crisis of the "measure" of the criterion of political decision making and action. This crisis is understood in the first place as a crisis of self-awareness and practice of the ethos. Machiavelli was the first to attempt a solution to this problem by introducing the concept of virtus, which became the fundamental principle of modern political philosophy. However, many modern and contemporary interpreters of Machiavelli's thought often ignore the social and political context in which the political doctrine of the Florentine thinker arose. Namely, Machiavelli's effort to find an authentic form of the political act that would make possible a harmonization and stabilization of the dramatic political circumstances then prevailing in Italian cities required a reliable diagnosis and adequate means for a successful therapy of the sick organism of the community. The epochal novelty in Machiavelli's political theory was the shift from the ancient theorization of virtue to its modern operationalization. Nevertheless, this shift is often interpreted as a radical opposing of the Greek concept of arete to the Roman virtus, which is crudely and simplistically reduced to bravery and strength necessary for taking and keeping political power. Hegel in his political philosophy travels an important part of the road - unconsciously rather than consciously - along with Machiavelli and Shelling. This particularly holds for his understanding of the necessity of strength and bravery in the process of operationalizing the spirit of freedom in history through the mediation of "negation" as "the power of evil". The mediation of subjectivity and substantiality, according to Hegel, takes place in the state by the brutal bridling of the world spirit where not just individuals but whole peoples are sacrificed - toward freedom, i.e. its realization in the community of the ethos. The "trouble of the times" is a consequence of the separation between I and the world (Entzeiung) and stems from a reduced political reason which lacks the criterion of the ethical totality for political action and decision making. By the separation of the ethos this reason get routinized and political action is reduced to naked technique of winning and keeping political power. In the concluding segment of the paper the author points to some global consequences of the crisis of political decision making in the historical reality at the end of 20th century.

4. Politics and religion

2018 ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Brian Cummings
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Book Of Common Prayer ◽  
Religious Ritual ◽  
Prayer Book ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
Radical Reformation ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Common Prayer

Until recently it was commonplace to assume that a prayer book in the English vernacular was an act of popularization and even democratization. Cranmer, in his preface, explicitly appeals to broadening the reach of liturgy, opening it out to a wider audience and a popular register. However, the Book of Common Prayer, as well as a radical reformation of devotion, was a political act of religion. ‘Politics and religion’ outlines the political changes that had an impact on the use and amendments to the Book of Common Prayer, with new editions appearing in 1552, 1559, and 1662 after Parliamentary Acts, making it the only permitted form of religious ritual and public prayer.

scholarly journals Philistinism and the Preservation of Nature

Philosophy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-114
Author(s):  
Simon P. James
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Core Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Natural Entities ◽  
The Arts

AbstractIt is clear that natural entities can be preserved – they can be preserved because they can be harmed or destroyed, or in various other ways adversely affected. I argue that in light of the rise of scientism and other forms of philistinism, the political, religious, mythic, personal and historical meanings that people find in those entities can also be preserved. Against those who impugn disciplines such as fine arts, philosophy and sociology, I contend that this sort of preservation requires the efforts of those whose work exemplifies the core values of the arts, the humanities and the qualitative social sciences.

scholarly journals Dis/Graceful Liberties: Textual Libertinism/ Libertine Texts in J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Hager Ben Driss
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Literary Works ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Political Allegory ◽  
The Aesthetic

Abstract This essay addresses J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace, a Booker Prize winner in 1999. The novel captures South African political and cultural turmoil attending the post-apartheid transitional period. Far from overlooking the political allegory, I propose instead to expand on a topic only cursorily developed elsewhere, namely liberty and license. The two terms foreground the textual dynamics of the novel as they compete and/or negotiate meaning and ascendency. I argue that Disgrace is energized by Coetzee’s belief in a total liberty of artistic production. Sex is philosophically problematized in the text and advocated as a serious issue that deserves artistic investigation without restriction or censorship. This essay looks into the subtle libertinism in Coetzee’s text, which displays pornographic overtones without exhibiting a flamboyant libertinage. Disgrace acquires its libertine gesture from its dialogue with several literary works steeped in libertinism. The troubled relationship between the aesthetic and the ethical yields an ambiguous text that invites a responsible act of reading.

Claiming Citizenship: The Political Dimension of Welfare Fraud

2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (04) ◽  
pp. 993-1018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiri Regev-Messalem
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Reform ◽  
Criminal Activity ◽  
Moral Character ◽  
Care Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Unpaid Care ◽  
Alternative Concept ◽  
Welfare Fraud ◽  
Political Act

This article exposes the political dimension of welfare fraud by investigating—in the context of the Israeli welfare reform of 2003—how forty-nine Israeli women who live on welfare justify welfare fraud. I find that women's justifications cannot be fully explained by traditional noncompliance theories that view welfare fraud as an individual, private, criminal activity that solely reflects on the fraudster's moral character or desperate need. Instead, women's justifications for welfare fraud are better understood as a sociopolitical struggle for inclusion and deservedness—as a political act that reflects an alternative concept of citizenship with respect to women's unpaid care work.

Different political impacts on making of Western-style art and on art education in Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimet Keser ◽  
İnan Keser
Keyword(s):  
Art Education ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Art World ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Social Stratum ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Education In Turkey ◽  
Short Time

It was not possible to mention a Western-style art education and an artistic production of current quantity and style two centuries ago in Turkey. In other words, existing style of art and art education in Turkey has a quite short history. Thus, it is logical to confer that a quick and radical period of change in Turkish art world was experienced within a pretty short time. In this study, putting forth the emergence and development of Western style painting and the education of painting in Turkey with its main lines, it was tried to analyze that how did the process of change affected the actors in the field of art. As a result of this analysis, it was concluded that as the artistic change in the field of painting in Ottoman Empire and in the following Turkish Republic did not arise out of internal dynamics of artistic production field, but from the Westernization desire of the political power, nearly everything about art was in the monopoly of the political power about art for a quiet long time, and there had been no other social stratum supporting and demanding art, the artists had established clientelist relationships with the political power especially till the 1940s and formed a language of painting parallel to the demands of the political power.Keywords: Sociology of art, Turkish art history,art education, artistic change, Westernisation.

Cultivating Taste, Creating the Modern Subject: Sawt el-Fannan and Art Criticism in 1950s Egypt

2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 26-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dina A. Ramadan
Keyword(s):  
Art Criticism ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Departure Point ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Modern Subject ◽  
Art Scene ◽  
History Of ◽  
Great Sense ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Voice

This paper is born of two somewhat separate but interrelated concerns: the oft-repeated assertion that there exists no history of art criticism in Egypt, and the greatly felt “absence” of an archive, an organized system of collecting and cataloguing dedicated to the fine arts in Egypt. It is with these two concerns in mind that I propose we approach the journal Sawt el-Fannan (The Voice of the Artist), for it was in response to these perceived shortcomings that this publication—a self-proclaimed pioneer in the field of Egyptian art criticism–was first produced in 1950. Despite the thriving Egyptian art scene of the time (or what is repeatedly referred to by journal contributors as al-nahda al-fanniyya al-haditha), such a movement was seen to lack a certain credibility and effectiveness, of being in danger of a short life in the absence of the appropriate reflection, recording, and documentation. In other words, the establishment of Sawt el-Fannan took place with a great sense of urgency on the part of contributors that reflects much of what was seen to be at stake in the existence of a modern art scene in Egypt. Therefore a close examination of the editorial vision behind Sawt el-Fannan is an important departure point for understanding the ways in which art criticism was being imagined during this period. By delineating the parameters of what Sawt el-Fannan considered to be this field known as “art criticism” or al-naqd al-fanni, we can begin to identify some of the functions it was expected to fulfill, and by extension, begin to address the place and function of art in Egypt at the time. I want to suggest that through its expansive understanding of its field, Sawt el-Fannan produces a complicated and multi-faceted relationship between artistic production and art criticism, one in which its role is both reflective and productive. As will become apparent, the notion of “taste” or al-hassa al-dhawqiyya is central to the objectives of Sawt el-Fannan; what such a publication is ultimately invested in are the wider discourses involved in cultivating a bourgeois artistic awareness and aesthetic sensibilities, what Bourdieu would call cultural competence, as part of the larger project of constructing the modern subject in Egypt.

Expressing Political Legitimacy and Cultural Identity Through the Use of Spolia On the Ambo of Henry II

1999 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Rose Mathews
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancient Rome ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Symbolic Value ◽  
Political Economic

AbstractThis paper will explore the significant role appropriated objects played in Ottonian artistic production through a close examination of the Ambo of Henry II. Created by the last Ottonian emperor for the Palace Chapel at Aachen between 1002 and 1014, the Ambo of Henry II abounds with spolia. I will argue that the spolia reused on the Ambo of Henry II presented an innovative statement of Henry II's political, economic, and cultural agenda. The spolia from ancient Rome and contemporary Byzantium portrayed Henry II as the political successor to an illustrious Roman past, and as an equal to the Byzantine emperors in the East. The luxury objects reused on the Ambo also served as commodities whose symbolic value increased dramatically when they were taken out of economic circulation and used on this precious artwork. Finally, the Islamic and Byzantine spolia on the Ambo allowed Henry II to define himself and his Western Roman Empire in terms of an Other, associating his rule with the power, prestige, and sophistication of contemporary and competitive foreign cultures.

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