The Fundamental Characteristics of the Political Systems and the Social Conditions of Their Development Basic Hypotheses

2017 ◽  
pp. 13-32
Author(s):  
S. N. Eisenstadt
Keyword(s):  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Social

Mess up the empire: Deploying and disrupting homonationalism

Sexualities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 136346072096129
Author(s):  
John Andrew G Evangelista
Keyword(s):  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Sexual Liberation ◽  
Migrant Communities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Lgbtq Rights

Homonationalism refers to how the West folded LGBTQ rights into the nation through neoliberal economies, intervention, and surveillance of racialized communities. This shift relied on the exceptionalist narrative that reveres Western sexual liberation—liberal, bureaucratic, visible, and consumerist—while silencing queer narratives from Southern, racialized, and migrant communities. The literature found that some LGBTQ (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgenders, and queers) organizations deployed this imperial narrative, yet accounts on the social conditions facilitating such deployments remain scant. To expand the current discussions, my paper situates the Philippine LGBTQ movement’s affinity with homonationalism within the political, material, and ideological exigencies that confronted activists.

Islam, History, and Politics

1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-97
Author(s):  
Thomas Hodgkin
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
African History ◽  
African Politics ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Social ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
History Of ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Belgian Congo

It is not, I imagine, necessary to argue in this Journal (whose birth I welcome) that the study of African politics should never be separated from the study of African history. There was a time when the political institutions of African states (except in a few special cases, such as Ethiopia) meant ‘colonial political institutions, together with such indigenous African institutions as had been permitted to survive within the colonial framework’. For students of colonial government the study of African history had no obvious relevance. For those who wished to explain such institutions as Legislative Councils in British-controlled territories, Communes Mixtes in French-controlled territories, or the Conseil de Gouvernement in the Belgian Congo, the history of the European state which had imposed the institution was understandably more significant than the histories of the African peoples upon whom it had been imposed. As for such indigenous African political systems as had survived, in a modified form, within the colonial administrative structure, their study was—by a kind of unwritten convention—left to the social anthropologists, whose historical interests varied according to the character of the system and the approach of the anthropologist.

scholarly journals Christianity and Islam under the Sultans of Konia

1913 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 191-197
Author(s):  
F. W. Hasluck
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Religious History ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
The Social ◽  
Artistic Achievement ◽  
History Of

At the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk had already been living for two centuries side by side in the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljouk Sultans of Roum. The political history of this period is still emerging from obscurity: the social and religious history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine historians, concerned only incidentally with provinces already in partibus, give us no more than hints, and we have none of those personal and intimate records which are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than the most elaborate chronicle.The golden age of the Sultanate of Roum is undoubtedly the reign of Ala-ed-din I. (1219–1236), whose capital, Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly-educated man and an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople. One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I. (1192–6, 1204–10) who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, nearly became a Christian and married a Christian wife.

Moving against Disappearance

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf
Keyword(s):  
East Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
The West ◽  
Pedestrian Movement ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
East German

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.

scholarly journals The Social Determinants of Conspiratorial Ideation

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph DiGrazia
Keyword(s):  
Social Determinants ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Search Data ◽  
Google Search

Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.

scholarly journals The Role of Influential Dynasties and Local Families in Urban Development and Political Centrality of Shushtar in Khuzestan Province During Safavid Era

2020 ◽  
pp. 615-622
Author(s):  
Masoud Vali Arab ◽  
Hamid Asad Pour ◽  
Hamid Peighambary ◽  
Ali Rasouli
Keyword(s):  
Social Values ◽  
Ethnic Origin ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Khuzestan Province ◽  
The North ◽  
The Social

Shushtar as one of the most important cities of Khuzestan in safavid era was inhabited by some officials and rulers mostly due to its specific geographical, strategic and military situation during the rule of Safavid dynasty. The establishment of new villages in Shushtar and its surroundings areas by the local rulers caused this city to grow and develop more. In the same regard, due to the entering of many different clans and tribes to Shushtar in the Safavid period, extensive ethnic conflicts emerged in this city. Turk Qizilbash (Shamlus, Rumlus, Afshars, Ustodjlus, Turkmens, and Dulghadirs), Chagatai family, Circassia, Georgians, great religious scholars from Jabal Amel region, Jazayeri and Kalantar Sadats were among the tribes and clans entering Shushtar in the Safavid period. At the end of this period, natural disasters such as flood influenced Shushtar status both socially and politically to a great extent. The current study attempts to describe the political and social conditions of Shushtar during the Safavid period, aiming to answer this question: Why was Shushtar under the spotlight by the Safavid rulers and inhabited by most governmental rulers and authorities? It is hypothesized in this study that due to the geographical and military situation, Shushtar have always been considered as a defensive barrier by the Safavids against Mushashaiyah central bases in the South of Khuzestan, and Ranshis bases in the North of Khuzestan and also against Bakhtiyari Khans. Unquestionably, taking into consideration the topics such as ethnic origin, tribal interests, occupation state, religious and social values, and changing or modification of each case can give provide us with some useful information about the social and political life of Shushtar in the Safavid period.

Coming to terms: Race, class and intimacy in Australian public culture

Sexualities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1182-1196
Author(s):  
Jessica Kean
Keyword(s):  
Queer Theory ◽  
Public Culture ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Intersectional Analysis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sexual Cultures ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Central Tool

In queer theory ‘heteronormativity’ has become a central tool for understanding the social conditions of our sexual and intimate lives. The term is most often used to shed light on how those lives are patterned in a way that shapes and privileges binary genders and heterosexual identities, lifestyles and practices. Frequently, however, ‘heteronormativity’ is stretched beyond its capacity when called upon to explain other normative patterns of intimacy. Drawing on Cathy Cohen’s (1997) ground breaking essay ‘Punks, bulldaggers and welfare queens: The radical potential of queer?’, this article argues that analysing the political landscape of our intimate lives in terms of heteronormativity alone fails to adequately account for the way some familial and sexual cultures are stigmatised along class and race lines. This article gestures towards examples of those whose intimacies are unquestionably marginalised and yet non-queer, or at least not-necessarily-queer, placing Cohen’s ‘welfare queens’ alongside examples from contemporary Australia public culture to argue for the critical efficacy of the concept ‘mononormativity’ for intersectional analysis.

Dominant and Subsidiary Modes of Political Legitimation in the USSR: A Comment on Christel Lane's Article

1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. H. Rigby
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Full Range ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Legitimation ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Shared Understandings

Perhaps we political scientists and sociologists should have left ‘legitimacy’ to the constitutional and international lawyers. Such a view is certainly suggested by the present cacophany of our definitions, taxonomies and applications of the term. When the contributors to a book on political legitimation in communist states, representing by no means the full range of scholarly views on the social and political systems of these countries, can variously characterize the political legitimation of the USSR today as dominated by ‘goal-rational’, ‘traditional’ or ‘paternalistic’ legitimation, or as a combination of ‘heteronomous-teleological’ and ‘autonomous-consensual’ or of ‘overt’ and ‘covert’ modes of legitimation, we evidently have a long way to go before our shared understandings of political legitmation could be adequate for the comparative study of political systems or for analysing political change.

Entre désécularisation et resacralisation: Bouddhistes laïcs, temples et organisations philanthropiques en Chine

2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Laliberté
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Social Utility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Party State

The author looks into the revival of Buddhist philanthropy in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the last decade. It seeks to tackle the wider question of the social utility of religion in the eyes of the political authorities and to assess the extent to which recent debates on secularization theory may be relevant to the Chinese situation. The emergence of Buddhist philanthropy is coinciding with considerable changes in political, economic and social conditions, characterized by state disengagement from the provision of social services. The author describes various organizations offering assistance to the poor, as well as certain services related to healthcare and education. Yet this rise in Buddhist philanthropy should not be seen as evidence of a “resacralization” process in China because the communist Party-State continues its policy of manifest secularization.

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