The Classical Author Portrait Islamicized

Keyword(s):  
1910 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-281
Author(s):  
F. W. Shipley

My apology for reverting to this subject is a recent article by Mr. W. C. F. Walters in the April number of the Classical Quarterly for 1910 on the signatures in the Vatican Codex (Vat. Reg. 762). Mr. Walters does not seem to have been aware that this manuscript, though not of direct value in the constitution of the text of Livy, is one whose interest from a palaeographical point of view has long been recognized. A number of articles have been written concerning it, most of which deal with the signatures, the subject of Mr. Walters' paper, more fully and more accurately than he has done. Beyond giving the signatures, two of them incorrectly, Walters does nothing more than to conclude that there were eight scribes, who copied 42 quaternions. But a great deal more than this is known about the scribes and the manuscript. In fact, thanks to the ingenious combinations of Chatelain and Traube in piecing together the hints suggested by the signatures, more is known about this particular manuscript and the circumstances under which it was made than is the case with any other manuscript of a classical author of so early a date. It may therefore be worth while to summarize the known data concerning the manuscript, with a brief account of how they were worked out, referring the reader for the details to the articles mentioned in the footnotes.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 189-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nelken
Keyword(s):  

This paper uses Teubner’s reinterpretation of Ehrlich’s idea of ‘living law’ in his paper on ‘Global Bukowina’ as a test case of what is involved in making a classical author speak to current issues. It argues that interpretation is a form of appropriation and that the process of re-contextualising ideas involves an unstable compromise between establishing what an author meant and what an author means.


2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 417-418
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Dyck

Cicero is narrating various proposals advanced by Servius Sulpicius Rufus in an attempt to save his failing consular campaign of 63. In addition to the lex Tullia de ambitu discussed in the preceding section, he mentions this proposal that was blocked in the senate. The text printed is that of Clark, who compares [Sall.] 2.8.1, citing a law promulgated by C. Gracchus in his tribunate: ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. On this basis Clark suspected that the transmitted praerogationum conceals a reference to the praerogativa (centuria), the first to vote in the comitia centuriata, traditionally chosen by lot from the centuries of the first class and the twelve classes of equites, and thus highly influential. Certainly this is more plausible than Mommsen's perrogationem (‘the successive asking for opinions’: OLD s.v. perrogatio), which is not attested in any classical author.


1947 ◽  
Vol 16 (46) ◽  
pp. 8-16
Author(s):  
A. K. Clarke

At first sight it might appear that the scope of Virgil's influence had been predetermined from the beginning, as far surpassing that of any classical author. His poems became a school-book within a few years of his death: he is one of the very few Latin writers whose work remained known, without any real break, from the day that it was written until now: his genius was recognized in his own lifetime and onwards with very little question, and wherever Latin has been read at all he has been one of the authors read. More than that, his text has been pored over, annotated, translated, and sedulously imitated, from his own time to ours, sometimes chiefly for antiquarian reasons, but usually with an appreciation of its beauty and a devotion amounting to a cult. This Society has been founded in the belief that Such an influence should be in one way or another permanent, and this conviction in itself raises the consideration of scope: the question, I mean, whether Virgil may be regarded as a European influence, part of the inheritance of European culture at its widest range, or whether there is anything in his poetry which makes him more even than the greatest European classic—one of the very few writers of universal importance. The question is bound up with the whole problem of classical education and how far it should be fundamental in the world-order of the future, which will not be wholly, perhaps not primarily, European.Another question is relevant to this, though at first sight rather distantly so.


1998 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Michael Comber

In situations in which understanding is disrupted or made difficult, the conditions of all understanding emerge with the greatest clarity. Thus the linguistic process by means of which a conversation in two languages is made possible through translation is especially informative. (Gadamer)This article was prompted by a reading of Pound'sHomage to Sextus Propertius, and, in particular, by a basic question: why might the argumentative, edgy poet Pound have been drawn to Propertius? What might he have seen in him? Some of the attraction, no doubt, lay in Propertius' slightly marginal status as a Classical author, part of the main tradition but on the edge. But it does not seem to have been the romantically agonized version of Propertius that Pound saw. Nor the merely clever, witty, light and playful Propertius – though he saw more of the second figure than the first.


1988 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-28
Author(s):  
Raymond K. Fisher

My aim in this paper is to discover in what sense, if any, Aristophanes can be considered relevant to our society in the 1980s. If we call a classical author relevant to contemporary society, we may mean that he or she presents issues and problems for which we can find modern parallels and from which we may gain a deeper insight into our own current affairs. Aristophanes deals with a wide range of social and political problems of the kind which recur in all cultures, as well as with the practicalities of everyday life, so that when dealing with these problems he is ostensibly as relevant now as he was in his own day. But is there anything in the nature of Aristophanic comedy which constrains us from making the kind of modern connections which we might wish to make? L. Spatz says ‘Aristophanes speaks directly to us through such topical themes as the battle of the sexes, the scandals of power politics, and the underdog's need to strike back at his oppressors. But sometimes this relevance results in a misunderstanding of his original intention.’


Ramus ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Malamud

Twenty five years ago in the infantRamus, J.P. Sullivan wrote ‘In Defence of Persius’. Not many scholars writing today would think of choosing that title: having contemplated the indefensible aspects of Classical literature, most are far too wary to leap to the defence of any classical author, let alone a writer of Satire, a genre distinguished by its combination of crassness and cruelty, its insistence on turning its audience into victimisers. Sullivan's defence rests partly on his perceptive appreciation of Persius' unusually complex and intense poetic style. Twenty years later, also inRamus, John Henderson took a different approach to the same author: his (ironical?) strategy was not to defend the poet, but to banish him and his style entirely:Persius then: not the minor figure caught in Latin Literature's toils, Silver Immaturity, that obscure, difficult poetaster and also-ran satirist. Rather, a central and key textual trace of the cultural formation of imperial subjectivity.… Away, then, Persius, from the margins of literariness and into the centre of Roman imperial cultural formation…The formulation of the object of study as a textual trace—no longer an obscure poet, but acentralandkeytextual trace—transforms the reading of an unpopular minor Latin author (surely a self-indulgent exercise, after all;notthe sort of thing our educational system ought to be funding) into an exemplary study of the cultural formation of imperial subjectivity. Persius would have enjoyed sharingthissecret with his ditch.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (301) ◽  
pp. 652-669
Author(s):  
Daniel Blank

Abstract This essay discusses the reception of Shakespeare’s works among the students and fellows of early modern Oxford and Cambridge. Taken at face value, the documentary record would seem to suggest that Shakespeare had no place there, as authorities at the two English universities aimed to prevent the presence of his work in the academic sphere. However, this essay uses a variety of literary and archival evidence to show that Shakespeare’s works not only entered into scholarly discourse, but also achieved a status that had previously been reserved for ancient authors. I argue that the best window into Shakespeare’s reception among early modern scholars can be found in academic drama, and I examine two university theatrical productions that engage closely with his works: the Parnassus plays, performed at Cambridge between 1598 and 1601, and Narcissus, performed at Oxford in 1602. These plays not only provide early examples of Shakespeare’s reception among intellectuals, but also illustrate how the scholars of Oxford and Cambridge figured Shakespeare as a ‘classical’ author—an author as worthy of imitation as Homer or Ovid. The process of establishing Shakespeare as a ‘classic’ in the academic setting, this essay ultimately argues, began much earlier than scholars have realized.


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