Multicultural states and intercultural citizens 1

2017 ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Mariela I. Noles Cotito

The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the 1980s that a number of countries in the region began the process of constructing Black citizenship and providing Black people citizenship rights. During this period, deemed “multicultural constitutionalism,” some Latin American countries began to identify as multicultural states and/or included Black and Afro-descendant populations in their constitutional texts. The second stage of this process continued between 1990 and 2000, wherein some countries adopted a number of policies to address and eradicate racial inequality. Through these political choices, the adopting countries moved away from a structure of color-blind legalism and toward the official recognition of Indigenous and Black peoples’ collective rights. In Peru, although the political constitution was not amended, a robust body of ethno-racial legislation was introduced after the year 2000, demarking a structural shift in the country’s racial politics. This normative integration included the development of a number of national institutions and the promulgation of political measures promoting the advancement of Afro-descendants and other ethnic minorities. This integration process also led to the revision of existing legislation on racism and racial discrimination. By enacting this process, Peru committed to developing a process that would recognize Black citizenship in the country—one that began with the recognition of the political subjectivity of Black Peruvians and the creation of institutions for their social and political advancement.


2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (08) ◽  
pp. 1233-1245 ◽  
Author(s):  
AREZKY H. RODRÍGUEZ ◽  
M. del CASTILLO-MUSSOT ◽  
G. J. VÁZQUEZ

A new model is proposed, in the context of Axelrod's model for the study of cultural dissemination, to include an external vector field (VF) which describes the effects of mass media on social systems. The VF acts over the whole system and it is characterized by two parameters: a nonnull overlap with each agent in the society and a confidence value of its information. Beyond a threshold value of the confidence, there is induced monocultural globalization of the system lined up with the VF. Below this value, the multicultural states are unstable and certain homogenization of the system is obtained in opposite line up according to that we have called negative publicity effect. Three regimes of behavior for the spread process of the VF information as a function of time are reported.


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

Citizenship refers to membership in a political community, and hence designates a relationship between the individual and the state. One way to explore the idea of `multicultural citizenship', therefore, is to identify its images of the state and of the individual. First, we can ask about multiculturalism at the level of the state: what would it mean for the constitution, institutions and laws of the state to be multicultural? Second, we can ask about interculturalism at the level of the individual citizen: what sorts of knowledge, beliefs, virtues and dispositions would an intercultural citizen possess? Ideally, these two levels should work together: there should be a fit between our model of the multicultural state and the intercultural citizen. This article identifies three conflicts between promoting desirable forms of multiculturalism within state institutions and promoting desired forms of interculturalism within individual citizens, and discusses the challenges they raise for theories of multicultural education.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Andrejuk ◽  

Intensive mobility of the recent decades has brought a new level of social diversity, defined as superdiversity (Vertovec 2007). The article analyzes the existing theoretical approaches to this phenomenon, and debates the usefulness of the concept in research about migrant and minority entrepreneurship. The context of pandemic and migration brings new challenges for entrepreneurship, as well as for migrations and superdiversity. Examining the significance of superdiversity and entrepreneurship in the times of pandemic and crisis, the article refers to three interrelated questions: (1) how the notion of migrant is socially constructed; (2) how the global migration regimes and multicultural states are connected to the contemporary capitalism; (3) how entrepreneurship can evolve and shape the new economic models. The social change connected with the growing diversifi cation of businesses and self-employment amongst minorities should be reflected in modified academic notions, and the adequate notion appears to be superdiverse entrepreneurship. It does justice to the growing diversification of societies (including their cultural and ethnical differentiation), and at the same time it does not treat the migrant status as the most significant dimension of diversification. Moreover, the article argues that a response to crisis can be either deepening the precarity, or ethical innovations. Ingenuity, resilience, and resourcefulness associated with entrepreneurs and also migrants are the traits which become increasingly signifi cant during economic deadlocks and other problems. As a rule, crises highlight the necessity to verify the existing economic models. In order to transform them, one needs creativity and innovation, which are often perceived as the very core of entrepreneurship.


2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Li-ann Thio

The centuries old problem of protecting minorities with in multicultural states through international law is a recognised contemporary global issue.2 Minority protection schemes constitute an important facet in the arsenal of techniques available to states and international policy-makers in managing the potentially destabilising effects of nationalist aspirations, where manifested in ethnic conflict.3 These aspirations range from minimalist claims for personal autonomy to maximalist claims for spatial autonomy, even independent statehood.


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