Multicultural States and Intercultural Citizens

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

Citizenship refers to membership in a political community, and hence designates a relationship between the individual and the state. One way to explore the idea of `multicultural citizenship', therefore, is to identify its images of the state and of the individual. First, we can ask about multiculturalism at the level of the state: what would it mean for the constitution, institutions and laws of the state to be multicultural? Second, we can ask about interculturalism at the level of the individual citizen: what sorts of knowledge, beliefs, virtues and dispositions would an intercultural citizen possess? Ideally, these two levels should work together: there should be a fit between our model of the multicultural state and the intercultural citizen. This article identifies three conflicts between promoting desirable forms of multiculturalism within state institutions and promoting desired forms of interculturalism within individual citizens, and discusses the challenges they raise for theories of multicultural education.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-672
Author(s):  
Josef Weinzierl

AbstractQuite a few recent ECJ judgments touch on various elements of territorial rule. Thereby, they raise the profile of the main question this Article asks: Which territorial claims does the EU make? To provide an answer, the present Article discusses and categorizes the individual elements of territoriality in the EU’s architecture. The influence of EU law on national territorial rule on the one hand and the emergence of territorial governance elements at the European level on the other provide the main pillars of the inquiry. Once combined, these features not only help to improve our understanding of the EU’s distinctly supranational conception of territoriality. What is more, the discussion raises several important legitimacy questions. As a consequence, the Article calls for the development of a theoretical model to evaluate and justify territoriality in a political community beyond the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mandavni Dhami

This paper confronts the unspoken/unwritten patriarchal and settler colonial roots of Ghadar and its history through Toni Morrison’s ([1987] 2008) method of using imagination to construct re-memories of the truths that dominant histories erase.  To do this, this paper draws on feminist critiques of the state, the private/public divide, the individual/citizen, and manhood/masculinities (Bederman [1995] 2006; Kaplan [2002] 2006; Pateman [1983] 2006; Pettman [1996] 2006) and thereby genders Radha D’Souza’s discussion of the colonial/imperial disconnecting of people from places (2014, 63).  Focussing on the Punjabi context, this paper takes up Ghadarites’ employment of the private/public divide, their manipulation of patriarchal power, their appropriation of women’s bodies/voices, and their participation in “logic[s] of genocide” (Smith 2011, 51)  as means of claiming access to citizen/political rights. Ultimately, it is argued that Ghadar was a movement for access to manhood power, whiteness and settler coloniality.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandran Kukathas

The primary concern of this essay is with the question “What is a political community?” This question is important in its own right. Arguably, the main purpose of political philosophy is to provide an account of the nature of political association and, in so doing, to describe the relations that hold between the individual and the state. The question is also important, however, because of its centrality in contemporary debate about liberalism and community.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lane

Long an icon of the American cultural tradition, Henry Thoreau has recently been welcomed into political theory as a theorist whose political writings go beyond the essays on resistance to government, and contain ideas deeply important for understanding the American contribution to democratic experience. I extend this new appreciation by showing how Thoreau presents a specific model of self-government, individual self-government, that occurs under the frequently irrelevant roof provided by liberal democratic state institutions. Thoreau's model of self-government imagines women and men who are largely free of, or indifferent to, the state; but fully involved in an everyday experience that is deeply political because it allocates values for the individual. Walden is, in this sense, less an escape from government than it is an escape to it. Thoreau spans the spectrum of political philosophy, from Socrates′ concern with justice in the individual, to Nietzsche's model of the self as a governable community, but Thoreau's work is unique, and distinctively American, in its model of a hard-headed individual self-government based upon an unsentimentalized natural world.


The final issue of Contemporary Military Challenges in 2021 focuses on specific demanding topics. Despite the variety of such topics, this issue focuses mainly on Covid-19 and the situations it has created in the area of security, and how that has impacted individuals, the country as a whole, and its public institution representatives. The focus lies on the security of an individual as a value which is also crucial for the individual personally. This becomes even more important when the individual comes in contact with others, in particularly those who work in state institutions. Last but not least, the issue highlights the importance of the security of the state as the broadest multitude of individuals. In the time marked by Covid-19, the attention of individuals and society as a whole has been focused on people’s health and security. In trying to ensure the latter, the people involved in this process find themselves in variously difficult situations in which even those whose primary occupation is to provide care for others are in one way or another exposed to risks due to their work. Communication and the way in which we communicate are very important even in normal circumstances. In special circumstances, which the Covid-19 period definitely has been, communication is essential. In his recent article published in the Dnevnik daily newspaper’s Saturday supplement “Objektiv”, Igor Kotnik, who holds a PhD in defence studies, writes about the importance of communication in the times of Covid-19. In his article, entitled “Communication in the Times of Covid: From Fear to Peace”, he addresses the importance of the management conducted by the state and its institutions while taking into account the social, mass situations, feelings and responses. He writes that “we have entrusted their management to the state and its institutions by means of a contract, and the latter should strive to reduce the number of citizens who might respond to such situations with denial or fear through the work they put into the management of unpleasant and dangerous situations”. This is a very difficult process, which puts to the test the knowledge and integrity of each person at an individual level in both the domestic and work environments. With regard to the professions in charge of managing the crisis marked by this disease at the national level, the main things put to the test are leadership skills, interpersonal relationships, stress management, public performance, self-protective behaviour, and managing the masses, all with the intent of minimizing the feeling of fear, mistrust and insecurity to the greatest extent possible, and establishing a feeling of security by emphasizing logical explanations and thinking, which should prevail over uncontrolled emotions and possible distress. The example of Covid-19 has many characteristics of a crisis. Whenever a crisis period lasts a long time and is very specific, it can lead to serious changes in the fields of ethics, morale, law, human rights, social values, and security, which can be quite alarming. The papers in this issue address specific aspects of managing the special situations and circumstances that the authors have decided to share with others. In his paper, Suicidality in the Police, Bruno Blažina reveals the research in this field and compares it to the occurrence of the phenomenon and the resulting intervention in the Slovenian Armed Forces and in certain foreign states which are dealing with this issue in a more or less effective way. He assesses that the Slovenian Armed Forces are addressing suicidality in the Slovenian Armed Forces in a systemic way, while the police have not yet established such a system. He proposes new measures for the prevention of suicidality in this state body. Małgorzata Zielińska, Joanna Łatacz and Joanna Zauer write about The Public's Perception of the Territorial Defence Forces in Poland. Poland introduced territorial defence at the beginning of 2017. The researchers focus mainly on the public opinion of its tasks, which the TDF is supposed to carry out within the Polish national security system. The territorial defence is supposed to be active in the system of protection, rescue and relief, be in charge of the safety of the inhabitants and critical infrastructure, and even participate in the implementation of military tasks. The Polish Government has included its territorial defence in the fight against Covid-19. In her paper, Gabriella Ráczkevy-Deák studied the occurrence of Violent Acts against Healthcare Institutions and Workers in Hungary. Their expert knowledge in the field of healthcare does not suffice for confronting challenges such as violent patients, their family members, and even co-workers. In state institutions, additional knowledge and experience from other fields are becoming increasingly sought after. The author focuses mainly on knowledge in the field of communication, self-esteem and self-defence, and offers some system solutions. Rok Filipčič writes about Cultural Heritage and its Preservation in the Times of Armed Conflict. He presents a chronological overview of the development of this field, the key milestones in contemporary history and in the international legal order, and the measures that were introduced for the purposes of protecting cultural heritage at home and abroad. The author presents Slovenian successes and lessons learned, and attributes special emphasis to the protection of this field from the aspect of a military organization. The Military Museum, working within the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia, gives special attention to the protection of military cultural heritage in Slovenia.


Author(s):  
John T. Hamilton

This chapter argues that the provision of security is not only an act of care but also an expression of power. And power is always something that stands to be abused. Agencies of twentieth-century totalitarian regimes consistently and explicitly claimed to maintain security by inculcating insecurity among the masses. The perverse logic is that fear alone sustains the need for security, which consequently legitimizes the state's existence. This logic has at least two alternative results. On the one hand, the care for the individual citizen has simply been converted to the care for the state. Here, security is a dehumanizing project that shifts all concern to a realm well beyond the human. On the other hand, precisely by promulgating fear among the populace, such projects also inadvertently humanize. Stripped of personal security—deprived of the privation of concern—the subjects of these regimes are left with nothing more and nothing greater than the capacity to care.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Daniel Paul Neazor

<p>Direct review by the Courts (e. g . by prerogative writs) of Executive acts and decisions generally provides the individual citizen with a means of overcoming for the future the adverse effects of such decisions and actions, but it does not provide any means of compensating him for detriments to his interests already caused . Such detriments will generally be those which have accrued in full by the time the decision is reviewed but may in some cases be of a continuing nature, e. g . where, because of refusal of a licence, a business opportunity is lost. Tort actions against the State on the other hand, will allow the Courts not only to examine the actions of State servants, and determine whether they conform with the Courts' view of the proper behaviour of officials but also, and principally, to compensate the individual citizen whose interests have been affected by State action. Such actions may thus furnish an indirect means of control of the Executive as well as a means of compensation for injury.</p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Kazimierz Pawłowski

A sophistic way towards moral maturity Morality is a component of culture, variable as much as the whole culture is. It cannot claim absolutization. Natural law is the only constant, ingrained in some way in the moral tissue of a person and revealing itself as its inborn moral sensitivity. Consequently, a morally mature person, with properly developed awareness of innate moral sensitivity, acting in him as a kind of moral instinct, is capable to judge what in this culture is and what is not in keeping with natural law, independently of different state institutions and all other organizations’ promulgations. The individual person is the real creator of culture and he also transmits in some way his characteristic sensitivity to this culture (under the condition that morally sensitive people prevail; as history and modern times teach us this is not always the rule). Therefore, culture and civilization, in a different manner, in accordance with manifold local determinants, makes its own way in its proper rhythm to the state in which absorption of natural law is achieved to its maximum, that is it leads to the state in which the established laws reconstruct natural law as accurately as possible, or at least its spirit. A person as an individual is the subject and creator of culture in all its aspects and that is why he cannot be treated like an object in the context of different cultural values (e.g. ethical, religious and political). If that is the case, culture is degenerated and artificial. Such are the consequences of a sophistic (and mainly Protagoras) science on humans in a specific environment of culture and civilization.


Author(s):  
Ayelet Shachar

“There are some things that money can’t buy.” Is citizenship among them? This chapter explores this question by highlighting the core legal and ethical puzzles associated with the surge in cash-for-passport programs. The spread of these new programs is one of the most significant developments in citizenship practice in the past few decades. It tests our deepest intuitions about the meaning and attributes of the relationship between the individual and the political community to which she belongs. This chapter identifies the main strategies employed by a growing number of states putting their visas and passports “for sale,” selectively opening their otherwise bolted gates of admission to the high-net-worth individuals of the world. Moving from the positive to the normative, the discussion then elaborates the main arguments in favor of, as well as against, citizenship-for-sale. The discussion draws attention to the distributive and political implications of these developments, both locally and globally, and identifies the deeper forces at work that contribute to the perpetual testing, blurring, and erosion of the state-market boundary regulating access to membership.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document