Intellectual property policy formulation in Africa

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Michael Blakeney ◽  
Getachew Mengistie

This article examines continental, sub-regional and national initiatives in the formulation of intellectual property policy Africa. The article is divided into seven parts. The first looks at the relationship between IP and economic development. The second part examines the role of IP regional integration and trade. The third part looks at African regional trade agreements. Next, the article surveys the activities of sub-regional IP systems in Africa: the African Regional Intellectual Property Organization (ARIPO) and the Organisation Africaine de la Propriété (OAPI). The fifth part looks at the recent formation of the Pan African Intellectual Property Organization (PAIPO) and its relationship with ARIPO and OAPI. The sixth part gives a brief overview of the efforts made in designing national IP polices. The concluding section summarizes the IP policy-making process in Africa.

Author(s):  
Danai Christopoulou ◽  
Nikolaos Papageorgiadis ◽  
Chengang Wang ◽  
Georgios Magkonis

AbstractWe study the role of the strength of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) law protection and enforcement in influencing horizontal productivity spillovers from inward FDI to domestic firms in host countries. While most WTO countries adopted strong IPR legislation due to exogenous pressure resulting from the signing of the Trade-Related Aspects of IPR (TRIPS) agreement, public IPR enforcement strength continues to vary significantly between countries. We meta-analyse 49 studies and find that public IPR enforcement strength has a direct positive effect on horizontal productivity spillovers from inward FDI to domestic firms and a negative moderating effect on the relationship between IPR law protection strength and horizontal productivity spillovers from inward FDI to domestic firms.


2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yeo

One of the main issues in the long-form census controversy concerned the relationship between science and politics. Through analysis of the arguments and underlying assumptions of four influential and exemplary interventions that were made in the name of science, this paper outlines a normative account of this relationship. The paper nuances the science-protective ideals that critics invoked and argues that such conceptual resources are needed if science is to be protected from undue political encroachment. However, in their zeal to defend the rights of science critics claimed for it more than its due, eclipsing the value dimension of policy decisions and failing to respect the role of politics as the rightful locus of decision making for value issues. An adequate normative account of the relationship between science and politics in public policy must be capable not only of protecting science from politics but also of protecting politics from science.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 789-793
Author(s):  
David Arnold

As studies of technology in modern Asia move from production to consumption, and from big machines to small, so they confront increasingly complex and nuanced issues about the relationship between the local, the regional, and the global; between political economy and culture; and, perhaps most crucially, between technology and modernity. From a South Asian perspective (and perhaps from a Southeast Asian one as well), many of these issues are inescapably bound up with the Western colonial presence, decolonization, and the post-independence quest for national self-sufficiency and economic autarky. In East Asia, as the articles by Antonia Finnane and Thomas Mullaney demonstrate, the issues play out somewhat differently, not least because of the pivotal role of Japan as a major regional force, an industrial nation, and an imperial power. In South Asia in the period covered by these essays, Japan was a far more marginal presence, with only some industrial goods—such as textiles, bicycles, or umbrella fittings—finding a market there by the mid-1930s. At their height in 1933–34, some 17,000 Japanese bicycles were imported into India (out of nearly 90,000 overall), and in 1934–35, barely 1,400 sewing machines (out of 83,000); within three years this had fallen to less than 700. However, as Nira Wickramasinghe has recently demonstrated with respect to Ceylon (colonial Sri Lanka), Japan had a significance that ranged well beyond its limited commercial impact: it inspired admiration for the speed of its industrialization, for its scientific and technological prowess, and as the foremost exemplar of an “Asian modern” (Wickramasinghe 2014, chap. 5). One other way in which Japan figured in postwar regional history was through demands for compensation made in 1946 for sewing machines destroyed by Japanese bombing (or the looting that accompanied it) and the occupation of the Andaman Islands. And yet, relatively remote though Japan and China might be from South Asia's consumer history, across much of the Asian continent there was a common chronology to this unfolding techno-history, beginning in the 1880s and 1890s and dictated less evidently by the politics of war and peace than by the influx of small machines, of which sewing machines and typewriters were but two conspicuous examples.


2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 597-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonnie S. Glaser ◽  
Phillip C. Saunders

A more pragmatic Chinese foreign policy and a more bureaucratic policy-making process have increased the opportunities for China's civilian research institutes to affect foreign policy. Beijing's growing involvement in the international community has created increased demand for research and analysis to aid Chinese leaders in making informed decisions. A more pluralistic and competitive policy environment has given analysts at think tanks more influence, but has also created new competition from analysts and authors working outside the traditional research institute system. This article examines the evolving role of Chinese civilian foreign policy research institutes, their relationships to policy makers, and the pathways through which they provide input into Chinese foreign policy formulation. It provides an overview of the key civilian research institutes, identifies important trends affecting them, and examines the roles and functions they play. The article concludes with an assessment of sources of policy influence within the Chinese foreign policy process.


Behaviour ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 54 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 258-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Pouzat

AbstractA resume is made of the major sequences of egg-laying behaviour, both in nature and on stored seeds, of the bean weevil. An experimental analysis of the role of the ovipositor in the act of egg-laying is then undertaken by simple techniques. It is observed that an important stimulus, with respect to this, is mechanical in nature: resulting from contact between the setae of the ovipositor on the one hand, and the seed and the "ground" on the other. Simply suspending the seed instead of leaving it lie on the cage bottom, suffices to reduce egg-laying and production significantly. Examination of egg-laying, when the substratum furnished is a trellis with suitable sized mesh, shows that an important aspect of the mechanical stimulus is in its concentrical character, i.e., the fact that it is applied to a greater number of setae all around the ovipositor. The result enables us to understand better the behaviour in nature, where there is a boring of the bean pod followed by egg-laying inside that pod through through the hole made. In the course of the paper some connected problems are evoked: - The relationship between egg-laying and production; - The more or less necessary character of the succession of the different sequences in egg-laying behaviour. Existence of intermediary cases, between individuals which can lay eggs only in the pod and those laying in the apparent absence of any stimulus, particularly stimuli connected with the bean; - Links between the phytophage and its host, remarks on the apparently unfavourable peculiarity of laying a great number of eggs in the same place, the possible consequences with respect to population dynamics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Alexandra Schmitz ◽  
Matthias Baum ◽  
Pascal Huett ◽  
Ruediger Kabst

Guided by two competing theoretical perspectives, we investigate the contextual role of perceived regulatory stakeholder pressure in the relationship between firms’ strategic orientation and their pursuit of a proactive environmental strategy (PES). While the enhancing perspective suggests that perceived regulatory stakeholder pressure strengthens the association between strategic orientation and PES, the buffering perspective argues that greater regulatory stakeholder pressure mitigates this relationship. Our study looks at a sample of 349 German energy sector firms to identify which perspective holds greater explanatory power. Surprisingly, the empirical findings go beyond the arguments made in the buffering perspective: high perceived regulatory stakeholder pressure not only weakens but also eradicates the relationship between strategic orientation and the pursuit of a PES. Our results indicate that in the case of high perceived regulatory stakeholder pressure, market-oriented considerations are eclipsed by the need to gain legitimacy within the regulatory stakeholder context.


Res Publica ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-82
Author(s):  
Robert L. Peterson ◽  
Martine De Ridder ◽  
J.D. Hobbs ◽  
E.F. McClellan

Based on a study of three Belgian and Dutch government formations, this article examines the relationship between the formation of government coalition's and the formulation of public policy. The government formation process is disaggregated into three stages : the selection of participants in the bargaining process, the negotiation of the governmental agreement and the allocation of portfolios. These stages are then discussed in the context of a schema which focusses on the effects of contextual, relational and outcome components. By modifying assumptions made in traditional coalition studies, the government formation process is seen as involving the transferof issues from institutional arenas to a non-institutional arena in which bargaining processes are used to map and develop issue specific areas of consensus.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84
Author(s):  
Ruth Lusterio Rico

This article analyzes the important role of civil society groups in the enactment of a significant legislation — the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA) which was passed by the Philippine Congress in 1997. It examines the legislative process, the significant role of non-government organizations (NGOs) and people’s organizations (POs) in the process, the relationship between state and non-state actors, and how this relationship affected the enactment of the law. This paper shows that in spite of the limitations faced by civil society groups, they are able to play a significant role in the making of a significant legislation. The active role of civil society groups specifically in policy formulation, the collaboration between state and civil society actors and the strong support of the administration are three important factors in the making of IPRA.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liam Foster

Poverty is encountered by the majority of users of social services but is often overlooked in social work practice. This article explores the relationship between poverty in older age, pension receipt and the role of social policy formulation in the UK with particular reference to New Labour governance. It also briefly explores the EU context before considering the implications for social work.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document