scholarly journals Instrukcja sporządzania skorowidzów w archiwach akt dawnych z uwagami do niej Hieronima Duchnowskiego z 1844 roku

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 249-269
Author(s):  
Robert Jop

W 1844 r. Komisja Rządowa Sprawiedliwości w Warszawie rozesłała do archiwów akt dawnych w Królestwie Polskim instrukcję sporządzania skorowidzów do staropolskich ksiąg sądowych. Wydanie instrukcji związane było z akcją indeksowania tych ksiąg, będących podstawowym źródłem zdziałanych czynności prawnych w sprawach własnościowych oraz świadectwem posiadanych praw majątkowych. Projekt instrukcji Komisji Rządowej trafił także do Archiwum Akt Dawnych w Lublinie. Opinię na jej temat i odpowiedź w sprawie przygotował dla komisji na przełomie lipca i sierpnia 1844 r. lubelski archiwista Hieronim Duchnowski. W niniejszej edycji opublikowano instrukcję sporządzania indeksów wydaną przez Komisję Rządową Sprawiedliwości w Warszawie oraz odpowiedź na nią Hieronima Duchnowskiego. Odpowiedź ta zawiera propozycje sposobów indeksowania alternatywne dla instrukcji, wypracowane przez Duchnowskiego, w czasie gdy był zatrudniony w Archiwum Akt Dawnych w Lublinie (1842–1845). The Instructions on Compiling Indexes in the Archives of Historical Records with Remarks of Hieronim Duchnowski from 1844 In 1844 Komisja Rządowa Sprawiedliwości [Government Justice Committee] in Warsaw sent to the archives of historical records in the Kingdom of Poland the instructions on how to draw up indexes to Old-Polish court’s registers. The issuance of the instructions was connected with the action of indexing these registers that were the principal source of administered legal transactions in ownership cases and evidence of vested interests. The draft of the instructions by the Government Justice Committee was also sent to the Archives of Historical Records in Lublin. Lublin archivist, Hieronim Duchnowski, prepared an opinion and answer on this matter for the Committee at the turn of July and August 1844. The present edition has published the instructions on compiling indexes, issued by the Government Justice Committee in Warsaw, and the answer of Hieronim Duchnowski. This answer contains suggestions as to the alternative ways of indexing for this instruction prepared by Duchnowski, when he was employed in the Archives of Historical Records in Lublin (1842–1845).

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Keels

Abstract Within the study of mediation, a common argument is that mediators are often successful because they provide credible information to combatants thereby reducing asymmetries of information. Unfortunately, there are a number of reasons to assume that rebel groups are providing misinformation to mediators as well as to the government. Equally, mediators must also deal with an incumbent government that may not be negotiating in good faith. This study suggests that rebel group structure may assist with this problem. Rebel groups that operate parallel political wings often inadvertently signal their reservation points in an effort to mobilize support. Mediators also seek signals that the government is willing to credibly commit to a settlement. Leadership turnover may be one such signal, as new leaders are not beholden to old vested interests. To evaluate these propositions, a statistical test of mediation efforts in civil wars is conducted from 1989 to 2005.


Subject Police protests. Significance Federal Police (PF) officers on July 3 launched protests against President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)’s plans to integrate its members into the new National Guard and other policing roles. Hundreds of officers broke into the PF headquarters in Mexico City and blocked major roads around the capital in demonstrations that continued until July 9. AMLO and Security Minister Alfonso Durazo accused the protesters of trying to destabilise the country, suggesting corrupt individuals with vested interests might be behind the action. The government plans fully to dismantle the PF within 18 months. Impacts Discontent among public servants affected by the government’s administrative changes and austerity measures will fuel polarisation. PF abolition would confirm the AMLO administration’s commitment to continuing old militarised security strategies. Claims of FP corruption will compound public mistrust in security bodies, including the National Guard, which will absorb many FP officers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewan Sutherland

Purpose This paper aims to analyse the implication of the exit of the UK from the European Union (a.k.a. Brexit). Design/methodology/approach This paper analyses the options for the UK and the freedom this creates for the government to design its system of governance for the telecommunications and related economic sectors. Findings Brexit, other than the Norway Option or membership of the European Economic Area, allows the UK Government considerable freedom to reshape its system of governance for telecommunications. The strongest influence in such a redesign would be vested commercial interests, with the risk of subsequent underperformance and insufficient rigour. Research limitations/implications Events have moved relatively quickly, yet the outcome of the negotiations remains difficult to predict, beyond broad scenarios. Social implications There will be a need for greater involvement of consumers and business users in the process of recasting the regulatory governance system if it is not to be for the benefit of vested interests. Originality/value This is the first substantive analysis of Brexit for the telecommunications sector.


1960 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clifford Evans ◽  
Betty J. Meggers

AbstractDating archaeological sites, cultures or phases by the obsidian method is still experimental, but shows promise provided the archaeologists understand the present limitations. Two categories of factors cause possible dating errors: the technical or geological aspect discussed by Friedman and Smith, and the archaeological context. For the establishment of valid rates of hydration and for the archaeological evaluation of the method, preferred samples are those datable by independent means, such as radiocarbon, dendrochronology, historical records, rates of refuse accumulation, contemporary calendars, or correlated positively with complexes or seriated sequences that are so dated. A few samples used in the preliminary part of the study do not meet these rigid standards and make the method look poorer than it is, but a table contains the raw data on all specimens tested to date. The principal source of potential error at our present state of knowledge is the frequency with which artifacts of older manufacture were re-used by a younger (more recent) culture. Evaluations of the data presented in the table and most of the results are discussed by geographical area. For the tropical region where the annual temperature range is minimal and where large obsidian samples from village refuse are available, the hydration rate appears to be a fairly accurate method of dating. Lack of conformity of obsidian dates with archaeological dates for the Maya region and the Southwest, however, emphasizes the need for further research using larger series of artifacts and for a continued examination of technical factors. Objects of modern manufacture can be identified with little difficulty, offering a simple means of detecting fakes or copies.


1953 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. McGann

Before the argentine revolution of 1810, land was the principal source of wealth and the sanction of social position in the otherwise resourceless Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. The revolution of May did not significantly alter the fundamental social, political and economic relationships between the masses of the people, the landowners and the soil. And although the administration of Rivadavia in the 1820’s and the dictatorship of Rosas in the next two decades were poles apart in their philosophies of society and government, each bore the same fruit in the further concentration of land in the hands of a relatively few men. After the fall of Rosas and the return of the exiled unitarios in 1852, the position of the landed gentry was not changed, despite the work of men like Urquiza, Mitre and Sarmiento, who applied themselves to the task of awaking Argentina from its long sleep of reaction. These victorious leaders were liberal and pragmatic, but there was no Argentine Homestead Act during their administrations. They accepted the land system as it was and tried to build upon it by spinning out the means of communication and transportation and technical development that would make it workable and by bringing in immigrants to make it fruitful. Aside from the establishment of a few colonies, the methods of land distribution and the laws of landownership remained essentially unchanged. Indeed, the governments that came after the Rosas regime, needful of revenue and concerned with the white elephant that was the government domain, embarked on much the same types of real estate deals as had the tyrant. In one case, in 1857, the government leased 3,000,000 hectares of land to 373 people; in 1867 Mitre’s government sold this land on easy terms to its renters.


Author(s):  
Shyamasis Das

Energy pricing in India usually hinges on political, economic or social considerations of the government. Consumer power tariff, a State subject in the country, is no exception to that. However, continued subsidising of power has led to mounting losses of discoms, mostly State-owned, sometimes to a level of insolvency. This has taken a serious toll on financial stability of distribution sector, triggering a cross-sector domino effect. This has happened in spite of regulatory oversight. This study has brought forth some compelling analyses which affirm that current crisis is the outcome of vested interests of some actors and apathy of the administration. It is seen that power tariffs have been skewed disregarding tariff guidelines, whereby liabilities of the State governments to compensate the discoms through payment of subsidies are limited. This study uncovers effective consumer power subsidy across the States, and offers insights into the consequences. This study also identifies key issues plaguing the sector, followed by a brainstorming on possible corrective action-points.


2018 ◽  
pp. 146-207
Author(s):  
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya

In the last two decades of colonial rule in India, there were anticipations of freedom in many areas of the public sphere. In the domain of archiving these were chiefly felt in the form of reversal of earlier policies. The biggest change was that the habit of looking at the records as resources exclusively to be used by the civil servants for purposes of governance was abandoned. The resistance of the bureaucracy from the 1860s to opening the records to the Indian public was overcome. And, above all, the locus of policymaking shifted in the 1920s to the Indian Historical Records Commission, consisting of leading Indian historians who outnumbered the ‘official’ members who represented the government record offices. The period spanning the beginning of the nineteenth century to the last years of British rule in India saw the evolution from a Eurocentric and disparaging approach to India towards a more liberal and less ethnocentric approach.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-48
Author(s):  
Annelies Ollieuz

This paper traces how the government policies on land rights have evolved over recent decades in Nepal and analyses the roles of existing power relations and vested interests in shaping their development and implementation. It is shown that historically entrenched power relations existing in the patrimonial political system have led to a highly unequal distribution of land. Ways to reduce inequality in land ownership to provide access to land for real farmers are essential, but due to these same entrenched power relations, they have not been implemented in earnest and land reforms over the last few decades have been unsuccessful. As a result, the same types of pre-capitalist social relations have persisted in rural areas. These relations have not been able to generate an agrarian surplus that can be invested in agriculture or other sectors of the economy. Furthermore, the concept of ‘property rights’ in relation to land has created a new problem in agrarian development in recent years, by fostering an environment in which people invest in land not to increase production but for speculation. As a result, it has become extremely difficult for poor people to purchase land to have a housing lot or for farming. The present democratic politics and institutions in the post 2006 context have still not shown any capacity or the interest to address the issue of land. Accordingly, the prospects for change at the moment seem bleak even though the rhetoric has increased. Moreover, the changed context calls for a new concept of land reform. This would take into account changes in the agrarian structure and an agrarian economy where mobility is high and injection of cash from outside the country has increased. It is finally argued that successful land reform should be led by grassroots political movements, with limited external intervention.


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