The Generation of ’Eighty

1953 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. McGann

Before the argentine revolution of 1810, land was the principal source of wealth and the sanction of social position in the otherwise resourceless Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. The revolution of May did not significantly alter the fundamental social, political and economic relationships between the masses of the people, the landowners and the soil. And although the administration of Rivadavia in the 1820’s and the dictatorship of Rosas in the next two decades were poles apart in their philosophies of society and government, each bore the same fruit in the further concentration of land in the hands of a relatively few men. After the fall of Rosas and the return of the exiled unitarios in 1852, the position of the landed gentry was not changed, despite the work of men like Urquiza, Mitre and Sarmiento, who applied themselves to the task of awaking Argentina from its long sleep of reaction. These victorious leaders were liberal and pragmatic, but there was no Argentine Homestead Act during their administrations. They accepted the land system as it was and tried to build upon it by spinning out the means of communication and transportation and technical development that would make it workable and by bringing in immigrants to make it fruitful. Aside from the establishment of a few colonies, the methods of land distribution and the laws of landownership remained essentially unchanged. Indeed, the governments that came after the Rosas regime, needful of revenue and concerned with the white elephant that was the government domain, embarked on much the same types of real estate deals as had the tyrant. In one case, in 1857, the government leased 3,000,000 hectares of land to 373 people; in 1867 Mitre’s government sold this land on easy terms to its renters.

1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter James Shepard

To understand the real nature of the government which now, under its new constitution, is attempting to guide the German nation through the perils of reconstruction is indeed a baffling problem. We are as yet too close to the events which brought it into existence and clothed it with constitutional forms to attempt their evaluation or to determine their significance. The revolution was so unlike what we should have expected as necessary to shift the ultimate power in the state from a narrow military and landed oligarchy to the masses of the people, that a doubt forces itself upon us as to its genuineness. The war, with its shattering of national ideals, its appalling toll of life, the grinding misery which it imposed, and the insuperable financial bondage to which it condemned the nation for an indefinite future, might account for a thorough popular disillusionment which would sweep the nation into the current of democracy. But if this were the case, we would expect a general enthusiasm for the new government, an evident popular sense of the passing of the dark night of autocratic rule and a joy in the light of a new and happier day.This is exactly what does not exist. There are three classes in Germany today. The first, who constitute only a small minority, are the nationalists and militarists who are bitterly opposed to the republic, and even now are agitating at every favorable opportunity for the restoration of the monarchy in its old form. The second class are likewise a comparatively small minority. They are the revolutionaries, the Spartacists with some of the Independent Socialists, who are just as strongly opposed to the government, using wherever possible the instruments of direct action to inaugurate the revolution which they believe has not yet been achieved. The vast mass of the nation appear to be utterly indifferent with respect to forms of government.


Utafiti ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
Mona N. Mwakalinga

Through a national cinema theoretical framework, this article interrogates how cinema aided the Tanzanian government in the invention of a national culture identity during the country’s nation-building phase of the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that in its initial stage of nation formation after Independence, the government used cinema as an apparatus to construct a national identity that confirmed and adhered to the ruling class’s interests and idea of a nation. Thus by controlling how cinema was produced, distributed, and exhibited to the masses through the 1960s and 1970s, the government did not bring about unification of the people; rather it helped in solidifying the primacy of the government. The cinema produced by the government was a cheer leading cinema which provided no space for analysis of issues; further, it was a cinema that denied freedom of expression to its filmmakers and to its audiences.


1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (0) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Jeongjoo Lee

As the concept of a 'government by the People' has been departed from, the reformation of every field in society has been severely pushed with financial aid from the IMF. The abolishment and amalgamation of our systems and the reduction of personnel have been inevitably carried out to exclude inefficiency and ineffectuality in official fields. The government has recognized the fact that the future of the country, including administrative authority and economic resurrection, cannot be guaranteed without hollowing out official corruption and absurdity which have been found to be centered around each assessing organ. And intensive assessment has been deployed in 16 fields, such as human affairs, construction, official sanction of real estate, and public affairs. In consequence, 5,800 corruptive officials were disclosed in October 1998 and 222 of them were dismissed or forced to resign, 30 of them were suspended and 157 of them were reprimanded or docked.


Author(s):  
Vanguru. Naga Satyanarayana ◽  
Dr. M. Rajasekhara Babu

Public Distribution System in India has been one of the most crucial elements in food policy and food security system in the country. Public Distribution System in has close links with food security for the vulnerable segment of population. It is so because Public Distribution System is considered as a principal instrument in the hands of the government for providing safety net to the poor and thedowntrodden. Public Distribution System is the largest distribution network of its kind in the world. It emerged out as rationing measure in the backdrop of Bengal famine as well as a war-time measure during Second World War. The Government of India in an effort to ensure fair supply of food items to all citizens of India instituted Fair Price Shops (FPS) under Public Distribution System (PDS). Essential commodities such as Rice, Wheat, Sugar, Kerosene, etc., are supplied to the targeted underprivileged sections as per the eligibility and at fixed by the Government of India. In spite of the best efforts by Government officials at various levels, there are a few bottlenecks and inconveniences to the targeted citizens in availing the services provided. Over the years, Public Distribution System has expanded enormously as poverty alleviation and food security measure to become a permanent feature of Indian Economy. The Andhra Pradesh state incorporated various modifications from time to time to make its implementation more relevant for the masses and to increase its effectiveness. This paper analyzes that whether Public Distribution System is able to achieve its objective of providing food security to the people. The present paper discusses a brief review of welfare schemes and also makes a study of existing Public Distribution System in Andhra Pradesh. An attempt has been made in this study to ascertain the problems prevailing in Public Distribution System and to recommend suggestions to make Public Distribution System is more effective.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-253
Author(s):  
Guy Richard Hodgson

Edith Cavell’s death by a German firing squad in 1915 proved to be a significant moment for First World War propaganda. News of the British nurse’s death caused a torrent of outrage in Britain and around the world, inspired thousands of Allied troops to enlist and helped sway US opinion against Germany. Newspapers, as the principal source of communication between the government and the people, were essential in relaying this message and this article studies the roles played by the Daily Mail, the Manchester Guardian and the Daily Express. The results show the newspapers were eager participants as Britain sought to stiffen public hostility towards Germany and justify the suffering on the Western Front and at home. This article also examines the immediate post-war period as the newspapers changed from persuaders to reflectors of public opinion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 521-530
Author(s):  
Hamida Bibi ◽  
Muhammad Fazil ◽  
Muhammad Ahmad Qadri ◽  
Muhammad Shabir

After the outbreak of COVID-19 and the subsequent suspension of trade, closure of international borders and restrictions on movement and quarantines, economic and social crisis — coupled with psychological distress — fomented worldwide. The pandemic has caused unprecedented educational, social, economic, psychological and political impacts with varying implications around the globe. The current study was conducted to guage and asses the socio-psychological impacts of COVID-19 in District Khyber, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Primary data was collected for the current study from 200 participants through face to face interviews. The data was analyzied under the “Thematic Content Analysis”. The findings of the study shows that the disease and the subsequent social distancing have put at stake the social cohesion and normaldom. In the wake of the disease, domestic abuse, aggression and violence increased making women prey to the predators’ anger, abuse and battering; religious events suffered suspension or disruption; The schools’ closure has had profound negative impacts on children’s conduct; the deteriorating economic situation and the swelling poverty of the masses have lead to a hike in the crimes’ rate; the transgender community has suffered economic plight; women’s regular health care services such as contraceptions, safe abortions and other maternity ailments have suffered notably; schools closure has set off hazardous implications for girls such as harassment, abuse, rape, teen-age pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Resultantly, the people of the area have been suffereing acute trauma, videlicit boredom, fear, anxiety, frustration, and insomnia enticing them towards unhealthy activities viz. use of sedatives, smoking, alcohol usage, and, above all,  internet and online unethics. The recommendations should be implemented to help people avoid the downright negative impacts of the COVID-19 and, besides, to help the government to devise a mechanism to combat the pandemic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
Owala Silas ◽  
Kenneth Odhiambo

When Corona virus was discovered in Wuhan China, many countries, Kenya included, did not have a lot of information about the virus. Despite that, the citizens were looking up to the government together with other leaders to provide information about the virus. In Kenya, after sometime, leaders started issuing statements about the virus with an intention of providing public education to help contain the virus. Some of these were government officers while others were members of parliament and other pressure groups that deal with human rights. The purpose of this research was to look at the way the Kenyan leaders used language to communicate to the masses about Covid-19. The approach used was that of Critical Discourse analysis (CDA). Chunks of utterances from selected leaders that appeared in a Kenyan newspaper Daily Nation between 1st April and 30th April were analyzed using CDA parameters. The findings revealed that the utterances showed underlying social issues and disparities together with power relations and domination. A number of the utterances did not take into consideration the needs of the people or even the effects of the statements on the masses. Some appeared to give orders to people that did not resonate well with the masses. There is need for the leaders making statements to be more considerate, educative and diplomatic in their approach to make their messages more effective and to obtain the desired result. This could be done by allowing those who are experts in a given field to take charge in disseminating information to the populace


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-443
Author(s):  
Garnett Roper

AbstractThis article reflects upon the existing situation facing the Jamaican underclass in the light of the paradigm and legacy of Sam Sharpe, Christian martyr and Jamaican national hero who led the Baptist war that contributed immensely to ending slavery in the British Empire. The article suggests, using the rise of Lotto Scam as an example—which, as is explained below, is a form of advance fee fraud perpetrated against mostly senior citizens in the US—that the legacy of Sam Sharpe has not been pursued without deviation. The article contends that both the Jamaican society and its faith community have retreated from the pursuit of justice and equality. The moral degeneration of the community, of which the Lotto Scam is a signal and an example, is a product of the neglect of duty by the heirs and successors of Sam Sharpe. In addition, the article suggests that the Lotto Scam is the result of the following: first, the retreat of the faith community from activism and conscientization of the masses of the people in terms of moral formation; secondly, the failure to complete the liberation in economic terms, in particular, ignoring the matters arising, including reparations and enfranchisement through land distribution; and, thirdly, the impact of cultural penetration and the rise of consumerism (coca-colonization) as a new form of oppression and control of the masses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Enkin Asrawijaya

Gafatar is a form of community upheaval in Indonesia in the current reform era. Issues surrounding the ideology and the attempts of treason case became the problem that caused Gafatar to lose the masses of the public. Gafatar has the concept of food self-sufficiency which is then implemented in a peasant movement as its criticism of the government. To explain the dynamics of the Gafatar social movement, used the theory of McAdam et al, about Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings. The political opportunity arises from the distrust of government programs that have been offered to the people who are deemed to be ineffective. Mobilizing Structur Gafatar movement is manifested through the formation of the organization, forming a network of cooperation and collective action. While cultural framing, created through the issues addressed to Gafatar causing the formation of negative stigma in society.


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