scholarly journals W obliczu zmian. Agencje informacyjne w Polsce w latach 2016–2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (4 (244)) ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Renata Piasecka-Strzelec

In the Face of Change. News Agencies in Poland in 2016–2019 The research goal of the article was to analyze the current market of Polish news agencies, with particular emphasis on the changes introduced in the Polish Press Agency in 2016–2019 after the Act on the National Media Council entered into force. The research method used was a qualitative analysis of research material which included internet sources (websites of major Polish news agencies as well as websites devoted to press related issues) and selected press articles published in opinion magazines. The study paints a picture of the most important changes and development trends of news agencies visible on the Polish market from mid-2016 to the end of 2019. It also presents the position of these institutions regarding the phenomenon of fake news. It also summarizes the activities of the longest existing agencies in connection with their jubilees (100th anniversary of the Polish press Agency and 25th anniversary of KAI, Catholic News Agency). The conclusions of the research proved that modern Polish news agencies are currently in a stage of intensive development (advanced multimedia phase). In order for the Polish Press Agency to maintain the position of leading provider of the most important media content in Poland, a new development strategy was followed. Future opportunities for Polish new agencies depend on their ability to adapt to the changes in the media environment.

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110202
Author(s):  
Sabine C Carey ◽  
Belén González ◽  
Neil J Mitchell

When governments face severe political violence, they regularly respond with violence. Yet not all governments escalate repression under such circumstances. We argue that to understand the escalation of state violence, we need to pay attention to the potential costs leaders might face in doing so. We expect that the decision to escalate state violence is conditional on being faced with heightened threats and on possessing an information advantage that mitigates the expected cost of increasing state violence. In an environment where media freedom is constrained, leaders can deny or reframe an escalation of violations and so expect to reduce potential domestic and international costs attached to that decision. Using a global dataset from 1981 to 2006, we show that state violence is likely to escalate in response to increasing violent threats to the state when media freedom is curtailed – but not when the media are free from state intervention. A media environment that the government knows is free to sound the alarm is associated with higher political costs of repression and effectively reduces the risk of escalating state violence, even in the face of mounting armed threats.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-17
Author(s):  
Pavel Minakir ◽  

In this article we use the 100th anniversary of the development and approval of the GOELRO plan, the plan to electrify Russia (State Commission for the Electrification of Russia), as a cause to discuss the role of strategic planning in determining the economic destiny of our nation. Another reason for this is, of course, the lingering economic crisis in Russia and the inability to escape its grasp despite the growing number of strategies, programs, and projects being developed in Russia. The article suggests picking three points in time that were truly important for making fundamental decisions concerning the main development of the country for the subsequent years. The article proposes to consider these decisions, dating back to the early 1920-s, 1950-s, 1990-s, development strategies (strategies 1.0, 2.0, and 3.0 respectively). The comparative analysis of their specific features, and conditions (internal and external) under which the strategies were developed and implemented, allowed the author to draw a line between first two strategies and the 1990-s strategy, and to formulate requirements for a new strategy (4.0). This new strategy is urgently needed not only for the economic recovery, but for constructing the economy that would make Russia one of the leading global economies. It should not only be able to provide the economy with opportunities for endogenous growth, but also for effective social development. In this regard, some thoughts are given on the recently published policy report on the strategic basis of the Russian economy development. The report is not, technically, a long-term economic development strategy, but by the expert community and the media it is perceived as a strategy for a certain ‘U-turn’ of the Russian economy


Author(s):  
Matthew Simonton

This book thoroughly reassesses an important but neglected form of government in ancient Greece, the “rule of the few.” The book challenges scholarly orthodoxy by showing that oligarchy was not the default mode of politics from time immemorial, but instead emerged alongside, and in reaction to, democracy. It establishes how oligarchies maintained power in the face of potential citizen resistance. It argues that oligarchs designed distinctive political institutions—such as intra-oligarchic power sharing, targeted repression, and rewards for informants—to prevent collective action among the majority population while sustaining cooperation within their own ranks. To clarify the workings of oligarchic institutions, the book draws on recent social science research on authoritarianism. Like modern authoritarian regimes, ancient Greek oligarchies had to balance coercion with co-optation in order to keep their subjects disorganized and powerless. The book investigates topics such as control of public space, the manipulation of information, and the establishment of patron–client relations, frequently citing parallels with contemporary nondemocratic regimes. It also traces changes over time in antiquity, revealing the processes through which oligarchy lost the ideological battle with democracy for legitimacy. This book represents a major new development in the study of ancient politics. It fills a longstanding gap in our knowledge of nondemocratic government while greatly improving our understanding of forms of power that continue to affect us today.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Allen

Immediately prior to the events of 9/11, the United Nations (UN) officially recognized the proliferating climate of anti- Muslim and anti-Islamic prejudice, discrimination, and hatred –Islamophobia – as being as equally repellent and unwanted as anti-Semitism and other global discriminatory phenomena. The 9/11 tragedy, however, somewhat overshadowed this recognition, resulting in the continued proliferation of anti-Muslim and anti-Islamic sentiment and expression. This study explores how and why Islamophobia was manifested following 9/11, contextualizes how elite voices across British and European societies have considered Islamophobia to be fair and justified. In considering the wider findings of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia’s monitoring of Islamophobia, this study explores how “visual identifiers” have underpinned changes in attitude and reactions to Muslims across the fifteen European Union (EU) member nations at a largely pan-European level. The second section develops these ideas, analyzing three of the report’s primary themes – Muslim visuality, political landscapes (incorporating institutional political elites as well as grassroots politics), and the media – each one approached from the perspective of the United Kingdom. This study concludes by suggesting that 9/11 has made Islamophobia more acceptable, which has enabled its expressions, inferences, and manifestations to locate a newer and possibly more prevalent societal resonance and acceptability. Ultimately, this new development goes some way to justifying Islamophobia and negating the UN’s recognition of this problem.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-62
Author(s):  
N. А. LEBEDEV ◽  

The article analyzes the structural guidelines for the modernization of the domestic agricultural machinery industry, which are formed in the aspect of a new development model; some types of machine-building products that are innovative in nature. Separate tasks of digitalization for the development of production of unmanned vehicles are considered. It is concluded that in order to seriously promote the structural modernization of agricultural machinery enterprises, it is necessary to give priority to the development strategy of enterprises, which should be based on clear development guidelines for the long-term period.


Author(s):  
Chris Forster

Modernist literature is inextricable from the history of obscenity. The trials of such figures as James Joyce, D. H. Lawrence, and Radclyffe Hall loom large in accounts of twentieth-century literature. Filthy Material: Modernism and the Media of Obscenity reveals the ways that debates about obscenity and literature were shaped by changes in the history of media. The emergence of film, photography, and new printing technologies shaped how “literary value” was understood, altering how obscenity was defined and which texts were considered obscene. Filthy Material rereads the history of modernist obscenity to discover the role played by technological media in debates about obscenity. The shift from the intense censorship of the early twentieth century to the effective “end of obscenity” for literature at the middle of the century was not simply a product of cultural liberalization but also of a changing media ecology. Filthy Material brings together media theory and archival research to offer a fresh account of modernist obscenity with novel readings of works of modernist literature. It sheds new light on figures at the center of modernism’s obscenity trials (such as Joyce and Lawrence), demonstrates the relevance of the discourse of obscenity to understanding figures not typically associated with obscenity debates (such as T. S. Eliot and Wyndham Lewis), and introduces new figures to our account of modernism (such as Norah James and Jack Kahane). It reveals how modernist obscenity reflected a contest over the literary in the face of new media technologies.


Author(s):  
K.E. Goldschmitt

Bossa Mundo chronicles how Brazilian music has been central to Brazil’s national brand in the United States and the United Kingdom since the late 1950s. Scholarly texts on Brazilian popular music generally focus on questions of music and national identity, and when they discuss the music’s international popularity, they keep the artists, recordings, and live performances as the focus, ignoring the process of transnational mediation. This book fills a major gap in Brazilian music studies by analyzing the consequences of moments when Brazilian music was popular in Anglophone markets, with a focus on the media industries. With subject matter as varied as jazz, film music, dance fads, DJ/remix culture, and new models of musical distribution, the book demonstrates how the mediation of Brazilian music in an increasingly crowded transnational marketplace has had lasting consequences for the creative output celebrated by Brazil as part of its national brand. Through a discussion of the political meaning of mass-mediated music in chronologically organized chapters, the book shifts the scholarly focus on the music’s transnational popularity from the scholarly framework of representing Otherness to broader considerations of a media environment where listeners and intermediaries often have differing priorities. The book provides a new model for studying music from culturally rich countries in the Global South where local governments often leverage stereotypes in their national branding project.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-117
Author(s):  
Christian Henrich-Franke

Abstract The second half of the 20th century is commonly considered to be a time in which German companies lost their innovative strength, while promising new technologies presented an enormous potential for innovation in the US. The fact that German companies were quite successful in the production of medium data technology and had considerable influence on the development of electronic data processing was neglected by business and media historians alike until now. The article analyses the Siemag Feinmechanische Werke (Eiserfeld) as one of the most important producers of the predecessors to said medium data technologies in the 1950s and 1960s. Two transformation processes regarding the media – from mechanic to semiconductor and from semiconductor to all-electronic technology – are highlighted in particular. It poses the question of how and why a middling family enterprise such as Siemag was able to rise to being the leading provider for medium data processing office computers despite lacking expertise in the field of electrical engineering while also facing difficult location conditions. The article shows that Siemag successfully turned from its roots in heavy industry towards the production of innovative high technology devices. This development stems from the company’s strategic decisions. As long as their products were not mass-produced, a medium-sized family business like Siemag could hold its own on the market through clever decision-making which relied on flexible specialization, targeted license and patent cooperation as well as innovative products, even in the face of adverse conditions. Only in the second half of the 1960s, as profit margins dropped due to increasing sales figures and office machines had finally transformed into office computers, Siemag was forced to enter cooperation with Philips in order to broaden its spectrum and merge the production site in Eiserfeld into a larger business complex.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-231
Author(s):  
V.S. Pai

Maggi was the most popular instant noodles brand in India, which children in particular loved to snack on. The brand had a dominant position until suddenly in mid-2015 it got engulfed in controversy. Several state food regulators found that Maggi contained monosodium glutamate as well as lead well above the prescribed limits. Both these substances were harmful especially for children. When Nestlé India was confronted with lab test results it stuck to its position that they had a world class quality control process in place and that their products were safe for consumption. Finally, the national food regulator FSSAI, ordered a ban on the sale of Maggi including product recall. Consequently, several state governments imposed temporary ban on the sale of Maggi noodles in their respective states. The future of the company suddenly looked very bleak. Nestlé India was slow to respond to this fast unfolding crisis. Further, their responses were very brief and not adequately culture-sensitive. This led to the feeling in several quarters that the company was probably guilty of wrongdoing. To set right things Nestlé's worldwide CEO flew into India to douse the flames of the controversy and draw up an appropriate strategy to bail out the brand. He address the media, put in place a new CEO for Nestlé India and set brand Maggi on the path of recovery. However, Nestlé India was still facing a number of critical issues. What should be done to win over the trust of its customers? How should it recover market share lost to competitors both old rivals and new entrants? What strategy should it develop to succeed with the new products, especially hot heads, launched along with the comeback strategy? Should it change its approach to dealing with government health officials to prevent confrontations in future? How should it shorten the response time and make it effective in the face of a media backed public outcry in future?


2014 ◽  
Vol 652 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-221
Author(s):  
Anton Harber

Two decades of contestation over the nature and extent of transformation in the South African news media have left a sector different in substantive ways from the apartheid inheritance but still patchy in its capacity to fill the democratic ideal. Change came fast to a newly open broadcasting sector, but has faltered in recent years, particularly in a public broadcaster troubled by political interference and poor management. The potential of online media to provide much greater media access has been hindered by the cost of bandwidth. Community media has grown but struggled to survive financially. Print media has been aggressive in investigative exposé, but financial cutbacks have damaged routine daily coverage. In the face of this, the government has turned its attention to the print sector, demanding greater—but vaguely defined—transformation and threatened legislation. This has met strong resistance.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document