scholarly journals Media Freedom and the Escalation of State Violence

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110202
Author(s):  
Sabine C Carey ◽  
Belén González ◽  
Neil J Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
Information Advantage ◽  
The Government

When governments face severe political violence, they regularly respond with violence. Yet not all governments escalate repression under such circumstances. We argue that to understand the escalation of state violence, we need to pay attention to the potential costs leaders might face in doing so. We expect that the decision to escalate state violence is conditional on being faced with heightened threats and on possessing an information advantage that mitigates the expected cost of increasing state violence. In an environment where media freedom is constrained, leaders can deny or reframe an escalation of violations and so expect to reduce potential domestic and international costs attached to that decision. Using a global dataset from 1981 to 2006, we show that state violence is likely to escalate in response to increasing violent threats to the state when media freedom is curtailed – but not when the media are free from state intervention. A media environment that the government knows is free to sound the alarm is associated with higher political costs of repression and effectively reduces the risk of escalating state violence, even in the face of mounting armed threats.

Accountability and the Media

2014 ◽  
Vol 652 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-221
Author(s):  
Anton Harber
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
News Media ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Political Interference ◽  
The Face ◽  
Public Broadcaster ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Poor Management

Two decades of contestation over the nature and extent of transformation in the South African news media have left a sector different in substantive ways from the apartheid inheritance but still patchy in its capacity to fill the democratic ideal. Change came fast to a newly open broadcasting sector, but has faltered in recent years, particularly in a public broadcaster troubled by political interference and poor management. The potential of online media to provide much greater media access has been hindered by the cost of bandwidth. Community media has grown but struggled to survive financially. Print media has been aggressive in investigative exposé, but financial cutbacks have damaged routine daily coverage. In the face of this, the government has turned its attention to the print sector, demanding greater—but vaguely defined—transformation and threatened legislation. This has met strong resistance.

scholarly journals Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Negative Experience ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.

scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

scholarly journals Measuring media liberalism or dirigisme degree by country

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Leyli Ali Allakhverdieva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Information Services ◽  
Corporate Tax ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Public ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Watching Tv

The author measures the degree of of the public regulation of the information services provision via media (media liberalism degree), namely via printed media, and television and radio broadcasting. The methodology of measurement of media liberalism degree (media freedom subindex) is part of the index of liberalism (or dirigisme in opposite) of information services, prepared according to Professor N. Muzaffarli’s assessment of the degree of the government intervention in the economy. In order to measure the media freedom subindex, the following indicators are used: the VAT index on printed publications, the VAT index on television and radio broadcasting, the index of license fee for watching TV, the VAT index of license fee for watching TV, the index of penalty for late VAT payment, the corporate tax index, the ratio of private and the state TV channels subindex. Measuring those indices in the studied group of countries made it possible to establish that: 1) Azerbaijan and Georgia are the most liberal countries with regard to the VAT index on printed publications, Bulgaria is the most dirigiste country; 2) the minimal VAT index on television and radio broadcasting is observed in Malta, the maximal - in Hungary; 3) in most countries the index of license fee for watching TV is lowest, with Austria having the highest indicator; 4) in Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, Georgia and Armenia there is no concept of license fee for watching TV, respectively there is no related VAT; in the UK, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden this type of tax is not levied either; 5) the most liberal country in terms of the index of penalty for late VAT payment is Hungary, whereas Slovenia is the most dirigiste; 6) the most liberal country with regard to the corporate tax index is Hungary, while the most dirigiste is Malta; 7) in most countries the ratio of the private and state-owned TV channels subindex is equal to zero (there are no local public TV channels), with France being the most dirigiste country in terms of the subindex mentioned above. It can be noted that the most liberal media belong to Cyprus, the most dirigiste - to France. In most of the researched countries the media are more liberal than the relative center shows. It has been found that most countries with a higher level of economic development adhere to less dirigiste media policies, and vice versa. Also, there are countries that do not lend themselves to this pattern, for example, Ireland.

scholarly journals «Generation of The 28th» in the History of Venezuela

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Dabagyan Emil ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The article analyzes the most important period in the historical development of Venezuela. Under the dictator Juan Vicente Gomez, who reigned uncontrollably for a long time, the “Generation of the 28th” emerged. It contributed notably to the democratic development of the country. The participants of named movement were mainly the representatives of student youth; they were the first to openly oppose the tyranny. "The Generation of the 28th" went through a complex evolutionary path eradicating their own mistakes. A representative democracy functioned in Venezuela for forty years. It modified the face of Venezuelan society: the adopted Constitution guaranteed to all citizens the right to elect and be elected. The regular shifts in all the government agencies, a freedom of assembly and the media were practiced. The democratic institutions worked securily while serious socio-economic reforms were carried out throughout the country.

scholarly journals Taming Labour in Neo-Liberal Ontario: Oppositional Political Communication in a Time of "Crisis"

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
General Strategy ◽  
Media Content Analysis ◽  
Policy Success ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Analyse De Contenu

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.

Looking Beyond Elections

2013 ◽  
pp. 84-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ufuoma Akpojivi
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media

Media freedom is pivotal to the sustenance and consolidation of democracy, as the quality of democracy in any society depends on the level of freedom accorded the media and the plurality of views entertained (Diamond, 2008). The ability of the mass media to carry out their traditional functions of educating, entertaining and enlightening the public about their democratic rights, and holding governments accountable, will subsequently lead to the establishment of a strong democratic institution. Hence there is need to protect media freedom in any democratic society (Baker, 2007; Norris, 2008). The Nigerian media environment, however, is characterised by a series of laws such as sedition law, official secret act, amongst others, which have directly and indirectly hindered the freedom of the mass media and their responsibility of promoting and advancing democracy. This is made worse by the incomprehensive nature of the 1999 Constitution. Using interviews and policy analysis, this chapter critically examines the policy framework of media freedom in Nigeria and its impact on the operation of the mass media. The ability of the media to live up to their responsibility of promoting and advancing the democratisation process in Nigeria within the available framework is also examined.

scholarly journals « Domestiquer »  l’incertitude : Les sociétés d’État comme instrument d’adaptation aux changements économiques internationaux

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
François Lacasse
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Relative Weight ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
International Environment ◽  
New Directions ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Industrial Societies

The author recalls briefly the recent growth (20 years) of the Government controlled enterprises in the market economies : relative weight multiplied by three and mostly, a very strong diversification of their activities. Because pressure front the international environment is exerted on the old industrial societies like Canada in order that they redeploy, this trend will continue. Adaptations are made difficult and politically costly by social rigidness. In this connection, Government controlled enterprises offer very clear advantages compared to the other means available (flexibility, discretion, existence capacity of the adapters and late-comers, dispersion of forums of conflict, cooptation of the elites, real and expected contributions to growth). The forces which hinder the privatization of the Government controlled enterprises, coming from the conservative parties, are impressive : economic and political costs, possibilities of de facto privatization, the interests of the Government controlled enterprises themselves and their allies. In short, it is very likely that this trend will go on. In the face of this, the amount of expert knowledge leaves much to be desired'; some of the main lines of research are dead ends. The author outlines some new directions which will allow research to really integrate the Government controlled enterprises in the economic predictions and policy making.

scholarly journals The Fiji media decree: A push towards collaborative journalism

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Dutt
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Development ◽  
Developing Nation ◽  
Industry Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article evaluates Fiji’s Media Industry Development Decree 2010 by drawing a link between it and the Singaporean media laws and the collaborative role the Fijian regime claims journalism should play in the nation’s development. A number of sections of the Fiji Media Decree are similar to the Singapore Media Development Authority Act 2003 and it contains similar harsh fines and jail terms. The Fiji Media Decree makes provisions for a Media Industry Development Authority and a Media Tribunal, both of which are appointed and controlled by the government. The Authority has wide-ranging powers to search, seize and censor, and refer to the Tribunal incidents which it considers are in breach of the decree. The government minister responsible for administering the decree has a direct say in the make-up of the Media Industry Development Authority and may give directions to the Authority in the performance of its duties and the exercise of its powers. This study explores the powers vested in the government via these two proposed bodies and what they will mean for journalism, freedom of speech and media freedom in Fiji. It also shows the merits of a ‘collaborative journalism’ model for a developing nation but explains how the design is flawed under the conditions it has been imposed in Fiji.

scholarly journals W obliczu zmian. Agencje informacyjne w Polsce w latach 2016–2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (4 (244)) ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Renata Piasecka-Strzelec
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
25Th Anniversary ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
News Agencies ◽  
New Development ◽  
The Face ◽  
Research Goal ◽  
The Media ◽  
Intensive Development

In the Face of Change. News Agencies in Poland in 2016–2019 The research goal of the article was to analyze the current market of Polish news agencies, with particular emphasis on the changes introduced in the Polish Press Agency in 2016–2019 after the Act on the National Media Council entered into force. The research method used was a qualitative analysis of research material which included internet sources (websites of major Polish news agencies as well as websites devoted to press related issues) and selected press articles published in opinion magazines. The study paints a picture of the most important changes and development trends of news agencies visible on the Polish market from mid-2016 to the end of 2019. It also presents the position of these institutions regarding the phenomenon of fake news. It also summarizes the activities of the longest existing agencies in connection with their jubilees (100th anniversary of the Polish press Agency and 25th anniversary of KAI, Catholic News Agency). The conclusions of the research proved that modern Polish news agencies are currently in a stage of intensive development (advanced multimedia phase). In order for the Polish Press Agency to maintain the position of leading provider of the most important media content in Poland, a new development strategy was followed. Future opportunities for Polish new agencies depend on their ability to adapt to the changes in the media environment.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document