scholarly journals Partycypacja polityczna imigrantów w Polsce. Na przykładzie aktywności cudzoziemców w wyborach samorządowych w 2014 r. i 2018 r.

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1 (179)) ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Monika Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska

Political participation of immigrants in Poland. The case of foreigners’ activity in the local government elections in 2014 and 2018 The issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland is becoming current and is worth reconsidering by the state authorities because of the growing number of immigrants settling in Poland. Due to the structure of immigration to Poland, characterized by the dominance of immigrants coming from outside the European Union, these issues are not subject to EU regulations that apply only to EU citizens. It is an open question whether the Polish authorities will take action to extend certain political rights to immigrants from third countries who have moved the center of their life activities to Poland. The article discusses the issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland on the example of their activity in local elections in 2014 and 2018. The research objective is to identify the key determinants of electoral participation of foreigners and to analyze the data of the National Electoral Commission, showing the actual degree of use by immigrants living in Poland of their electoral rights at the local level (the right to vote and the right to stand for election). The conducted analysis aims to reveal formal and practical possibilities as well as barriers and challenges, especially of a systemic nature, in the field of electoral participation of immigrants in Poland, both those who already have such rights and those who could obtain these rights. Streszczenie Zagadnienie partycypacji politycznej imigrantów w Polsce nabiera aktualności i warte jest ponownego rozważenia przez władze państwowe wraz z rosnącą liczbą imigrantów osiedlających się w Polsce. Z uwagi na strukturę imigracji do Polski, charakteryzującą się dominacją imigrantów pochodzących spoza Unii Europejskiej, kwestie te nie podlegają regulacjom unijnym, odnoszącym się wyłącznie do obywateli UE. Otwartym pozostaje pytanie czy polskie władze podejmą działania w kierunku obejmowania wybranymi prawami politycznymi także imigrantów z krajów trzecich, którzy przenieśli centrum swojej aktywności życiowej do Polski. W artykule podjęty został temat partycypacji politycznej imigrantów w Polsce na przykładzie ich aktywności w wyborach lokalnych w 2014 i 2018 r. Jego zasadniczym celem badawczym jest identyfikacja kluczowych uwarunkowań partycypacji wyborczej cudzoziemców oraz analiza danych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, ukazujących rzeczywisty stopień korzystania przez cudzoziemców mieszkających w Polsce z przysługujących im praw wyborczych na poziomie lokalnym (prawa wybierania i prawa do kandydowania). Przeprowadzone analizy posłużyły ujawnieniu możliwości, barier i wyzwań, formalnych i praktycznych, zwłaszcza natury systemowej, w zakresie partycypacji wyborczej imigrantów w Polsce, zarówno tych, którym takie prawa już przysługują, jak i tych, którzy prawa te mogliby uzyskać.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Luicy Pedroza

In comparison to other countries in the Latin American region, especially in Central America, support for democracy in Costa Rica is high –despite ups and downs in recent years. Still, regarding the challenges that immigration poses for the principles of democratic inclusion and representation, Costa Rica lag behind 11 countries in Latin America –and 35 democracies in the world– where immigrant residents have the right to vote in local elections. In Chile and Uruguay, the only countries in the region where support for democracy tops that observed in Costa Rica, the right to vote of immigrant residents even reaches national elections. With such a comparative background, this article addresses the question: how to explain that this democracy ignores the tendency to give the right to vote to resident migrants? The study reveals a society in which the narrative of exceptionality with respect to other countries of the continent and the formal primacy of nationality to political citizenship, allow tolerating a clear inequality between the political rights of emigrants and immigrants.


Author(s):  
Rosario García Mahamut

La reforma de la LOREG de 2011 ha modificado sustancialmente las condiciones de ejercicio del derecho de sufragio de los españoles inscritos en el CERA. Ha suprimido la posibilidad de que el elector CERA pueda votar en las elecciones municipales y ha reformado profundamente el procedimiento de votación, amén de instaurar el voto rogado en todas las elecciones. Lejos de facilitar el derecho de participación política la reforma, como ha demostrado la práctica, ha conseguido justo lo contrario. El presente trabajo analiza el nuevo procedimiento de votación a la vez que lo contrasta con datos objetivos —de participación, de solicitudes de votos cursadas, de votos emitidos, de votos que efectivamente han llegado a las Juntas electorales competentes para ser escrutados, etc.— con el objeto de aislar aquellas fases del procedimiento que conviene a todas luces reformar por ley orgánica y detectar aquellos otros aspectos que demandan un completo desarrollo reglamentario. Así mismo se proponen concretas reformas que, a juicio de la autora, incidirán en una mayor eficacia y efectividad del ejercicio del derecho fundamental de la participación política (art. 23 CE) de los españoles en el exterior.The 2011 electoral reform has substantially changed the conditions of exercise of the right of suffrage of the Spaniards registered at the CERA. It has removed the possibility of the CERA elector to vote in local elections and it has deeply reformed the voting procedure, among others news, to establish requested vote in all elections. Far from facilitating the right of political participation, this reform, as demonstrated by the practice, did just the opposite. This article analyzes the new voting procedure and contrasts it with objective data (participation data, studied requests for votes, votes cast, votes that have actually reached the competent electoral boards to be tabulated, etc.— in order to isolate those phases of the procedure which should be clearly reformed by a new Organic Act and detect those other aspects that require a complete legal development. Likewise it has been proposed concrete reforms which, in the opinion of the author, affect greater efficiency and effectiveness in the exercise of the fundamental right of political participation (art. 23 Spanish Constitution) of living abroad Spaniards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-161
Author(s):  
Christof Heyns ◽  
Charles Fombad ◽  
Pansy Tlakula ◽  
Jimmy Kainja

The effective realisation of the right to political participation is essential for the legitimacy of political systems and for enabling the people to shape, and assume responsibility for, their lives. Although the right to political participation is recognised in article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as in other international treaties, its realisation in practice is often partial, it depends on the extent to which numerous interrelated rights, such as those to freedom of expression, access to information and peaceful protest, have been secured. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, this article examines the right to political participation as set out in national constitutions and in the instruments of the United Nations, the African Union and sub-regional bodies. It also considers the role of social media in this context. The article concludes by suggesting how this crucial right could be implemented more effectively in Africa.


Author(s):  
Yolanda Carmela Vaccaro Alexander

Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleš Ferčič ◽  
Nataša Samec

Financing of local public services is, in principle, subject to the European Union State aid law and policy. Thus, local authorities of Member States and certain other stakeholders shall carefully observe complex and restrictive State aid rules, since their breach can substantially impair the desired performance of local public services. However, a daily practice at local level, in particular within the new Member States, still reveals significant shortcomings which can be, at least to certain extent, imputed to complexity and considerable rigidity of the State aid rules. The European Commission has recently offered new set of rules, the so called Almunia package, aimed at bridging the said problems. The Almunia package is of great importance for the local public services and their stakeholders as it has offered considerable simplifications for the small, mostly locally oriented projects. Indeed, the new package is an important step in the right direction, at least from the local public services perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 729
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec

This paper focusses on the analysis of female political participation in the decision-making processes at the local level. We analyse women’s descriptive representation in Czechia on a very detailed spatial structure and an extended yearly time series (1994–2018). The main goal of the paper is to examine the spatial dimension of the disparities in female representation in local elections at the level of all Czech municipalities. To achieve this goal, global and local spatial autocorrelation methods were used. The observed spatial patterns of women’s descriptive representation in Czech local councils proved to be very stable. Furthermore, an analysis of the spatio-temporal (in)stability of women’s representation across different elections demonstrated that despite the divergent spatial autocorrelation of women’s descriptive representation across Czechia’s territory, there were no substantial changes in the clustering of women’s representation between elections, except for an identified overall decline in the homogeneity of the clusters. This suggests the existence of considerable spatio-temporal stability of women’s representation between local elections in the different municipalities. Thus, women’s descriptive representation attained in a municipality in a specific election reproduces at a similar level in the following elections rather than diffusing to surrounding municipalities in the form of a contagion effect.


2021 ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Gauthier de Beco

This chapter examines the right to political participation. It exposes the persistent lack of protection of disabled people’s political rights, including denial of the right to vote for those with cognitive impairments. It analyses what the CRPD requires in order for all disabled people to be able to exercise their voting rights and what it provides beyond the mere act of voting so as to encourage participation in ‘the conduct of public affairs’. It goes on to explain why the inclusion of disabled people in political life is a matter for the whole population and why there is no reason for denying the right to vote to any particular group. It also explores how to achieve political participation more broadly through real engagement in political activities.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 2057-2073 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matej Avbelj

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the changing character of the European Union (“EU”) public order under the impact of security concerns. The EU public order has long been characterized by a tension between a more market-oriented, neo-liberal Union and a more socio-political Union. The former would be driven by the EU's four fundamental freedoms, whereas the latter would be achieved and safeguarded through the language and practice of fundamental rights. As other scholarly contributions to the issue have demonstrated, the relationship between fundamental freedoms and fundamental rights is anything but settled. It continues to be subject to many, sometimes potent, legal and political controversies. However, while the EU public order is still in pursuit of the right balance between economic freedoms and socio-political rights, it also has to reckon with another fundamental value: The value of security.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun

The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries. KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand


Author(s):  
M.ª Jesús GARCÍA GARCÍA

LABURPENA: Toki-hauteskundeetan parte hartzeko sufragio aktiboaren eta pasiboaren eskubidea egikaritzeko modalitateak finkatzen dituen 94/80/EE Zuzentaraua aplikatzeari dagokionez, COM (2018) 44 (azkena), Europako Parlamentuarentzat, Kontseiluarentzat, Europako Ekonomia eta Gizarte Komitearentzat eta Eskualdeetako Lantaldearentzat Batzordeak 2018an egindako txostenaren arabera, geroz eta Europar Batasuneko herritar gehiagok baliatzen du zirkulazio librerako eta estatu kideetan bizitzeko eskubidea. Hala, 14 milioi europar dira bizilekua aldatu eta bozkatzeko adina dutenak. Hala ere, herritar horietatik gutxi batzuk baino ez daude oraindik ere toki-hauteskundeetarako erroldatuta eta horien parte-hartzea toki-hauteskundeetan benetan maila baxuetan dago. Datu horiek adierazten dute hiritar horien ehuneko altu batek ezin dituela hauteskunde eskubideak baliatu, ez jatorrizko herrialdean ezta lekualdatutako herrialdean, eta horrenbestez, horien parte-hartze demokratikoa guztiz baztertzen da. Hori bereziki paradoxikoa da EBen, demokrazia balore bezala aldarrikatzen baita eta hauteskunde eskubideei oinarrizko eskubide izaera ematen baitzaie. Lan honetan herritarren estatutuaren mugak jorratzen dira, europarrek bizileku duten herrialdeetako gai publikoetan parte hartzen dutela bermatzeko, eta jorratu egiten dira, halaber, eskubide horiek benetan baliatzeko orduan estatuen barne-esparruan eragina duten baldintza juridikoak. Eta horiek berriz formulatzea proposatu da, bizileku den herrialdeetako parte-hartze politikoarekin lotutako eskubideei dagokienez herritarren estatutuari zigilu bereizgarria eman ahal izateko. RESUMEN: El Informe de 2018 de la Comisión al Parlamento Europeo, al Consejo, al Comité Económico y Social Europeo y al Comité de las Regiones, sobre la aplicación de la Directiva 94/80/CE por la que se fijan las modalidades de ejercicio del derecho de sufragio activo y pasivo en las elecciones locales, COM (2018) 44 final, ha puesto de manifiesto como cada vez más los ciudadanos de la Unión Europea hacen uso de su derecho de libre circulación y residencia en otros estados miembros, de forma que se calcula que existen 14 millones de ciudadanos europeos desplazados en edad de votar. Sin embargo, los niveles de inscripción electoral de estos ciudadanos en las elecciones locales siguen siendo muy poco significativos y su participación en los comicios locales se mantiene en índices extremadamente bajos. Estos datos reflejan que un porcentaje muy alto de estos ciudadanos no pueden ejercer sus derechos electorales, ni en su país de origen, ni en aquel en el que están desplazados, excluyendo por completo su participación democrática. Ello resulta especialmente paradójico en un ámbito, la UE, que propugna la democracia como uno de sus valores y atribuye a los derechos electorales la condición de derechos fundamentales. En este trabajo se abordan los límites del estatuto de la ciudadanía para garantizar la plena participación de los ciudadanos europeos en los asuntos públicos del país de residencia y los condicionantes jurídicos que influyen en el ejercicio efectivo de tales derechos en el ámbito interno de los estados, proponiendo una reformulación de los mismos capaz de otorgar un sello distintivo al estatuto de la ciudadanía en lo que se refiere a los derechos inherentes a la participación política en el país de residencia. ABSTRACT: The 2018 Report of the Commission to the European Parliament, Council, Economic Social Committee of the Regions on the application of Directive 94/80/CE on the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in municipal elections, COM (2018) 44 final, has shown how an increasing number of citizens from the European Union make use of their right to free movement and residence in other member states, so that it is estimated that there are 14 millions of moving European citizens of voting age. However, the levels of electoral registration in local elections are quite insignificant and their participation in local polls remain extremely low. These figures reflect that a very high proportion of these citizens cannot exercise their electoral rights, neither at their home countries nor at the country where they moved, so disqualifying them from democratic participation. That is specially paradoxical in a field, the EU, that has advocated for democracy as one of its core values and that considers electoral rights fundamental rights. This work deals with the limits of the citizenship status in order to guarantee the full involvement of European citizens in public affairs of their country of residence and the legal constraints that influence on the effective exercise of such rights within the domestic sphere of states by proposing a reformulation of them that is able of granting a distinctive status to citizenship as far as those inherent rights to political participation at the country of residence are concerned.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document