scholarly journals La reforma electoral (LO 2/2011) y el voto de los españoles en el exterior (CERA) : la inefectividad del derecho de sufragio de los españoles en el exterior: una necesaria revisión

Author(s):  
Rosario García Mahamut

La reforma de la LOREG de 2011 ha modificado sustancialmente las condiciones de ejercicio del derecho de sufragio de los españoles inscritos en el CERA. Ha suprimido la posibilidad de que el elector CERA pueda votar en las elecciones municipales y ha reformado profundamente el procedimiento de votación, amén de instaurar el voto rogado en todas las elecciones. Lejos de facilitar el derecho de participación política la reforma, como ha demostrado la práctica, ha conseguido justo lo contrario. El presente trabajo analiza el nuevo procedimiento de votación a la vez que lo contrasta con datos objetivos —de participación, de solicitudes de votos cursadas, de votos emitidos, de votos que efectivamente han llegado a las Juntas electorales competentes para ser escrutados, etc.— con el objeto de aislar aquellas fases del procedimiento que conviene a todas luces reformar por ley orgánica y detectar aquellos otros aspectos que demandan un completo desarrollo reglamentario. Así mismo se proponen concretas reformas que, a juicio de la autora, incidirán en una mayor eficacia y efectividad del ejercicio del derecho fundamental de la participación política (art. 23 CE) de los españoles en el exterior.The 2011 electoral reform has substantially changed the conditions of exercise of the right of suffrage of the Spaniards registered at the CERA. It has removed the possibility of the CERA elector to vote in local elections and it has deeply reformed the voting procedure, among others news, to establish requested vote in all elections. Far from facilitating the right of political participation, this reform, as demonstrated by the practice, did just the opposite. This article analyzes the new voting procedure and contrasts it with objective data (participation data, studied requests for votes, votes cast, votes that have actually reached the competent electoral boards to be tabulated, etc.— in order to isolate those phases of the procedure which should be clearly reformed by a new Organic Act and detect those other aspects that require a complete legal development. Likewise it has been proposed concrete reforms which, in the opinion of the author, affect greater efficiency and effectiveness in the exercise of the fundamental right of political participation (art. 23 Spanish Constitution) of living abroad Spaniards.

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1 (179)) ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Monika Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska

Political participation of immigrants in Poland. The case of foreigners’ activity in the local government elections in 2014 and 2018 The issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland is becoming current and is worth reconsidering by the state authorities because of the growing number of immigrants settling in Poland. Due to the structure of immigration to Poland, characterized by the dominance of immigrants coming from outside the European Union, these issues are not subject to EU regulations that apply only to EU citizens. It is an open question whether the Polish authorities will take action to extend certain political rights to immigrants from third countries who have moved the center of their life activities to Poland. The article discusses the issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland on the example of their activity in local elections in 2014 and 2018. The research objective is to identify the key determinants of electoral participation of foreigners and to analyze the data of the National Electoral Commission, showing the actual degree of use by immigrants living in Poland of their electoral rights at the local level (the right to vote and the right to stand for election). The conducted analysis aims to reveal formal and practical possibilities as well as barriers and challenges, especially of a systemic nature, in the field of electoral participation of immigrants in Poland, both those who already have such rights and those who could obtain these rights. Streszczenie Zagadnienie partycypacji politycznej imigrantów w Polsce nabiera aktualności i warte jest ponownego rozważenia przez władze państwowe wraz z rosnącą liczbą imigrantów osiedlających się w Polsce. Z uwagi na strukturę imigracji do Polski, charakteryzującą się dominacją imigrantów pochodzących spoza Unii Europejskiej, kwestie te nie podlegają regulacjom unijnym, odnoszącym się wyłącznie do obywateli UE. Otwartym pozostaje pytanie czy polskie władze podejmą działania w kierunku obejmowania wybranymi prawami politycznymi także imigrantów z krajów trzecich, którzy przenieśli centrum swojej aktywności życiowej do Polski. W artykule podjęty został temat partycypacji politycznej imigrantów w Polsce na przykładzie ich aktywności w wyborach lokalnych w 2014 i 2018 r. Jego zasadniczym celem badawczym jest identyfikacja kluczowych uwarunkowań partycypacji wyborczej cudzoziemców oraz analiza danych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, ukazujących rzeczywisty stopień korzystania przez cudzoziemców mieszkających w Polsce z przysługujących im praw wyborczych na poziomie lokalnym (prawa wybierania i prawa do kandydowania). Przeprowadzone analizy posłużyły ujawnieniu możliwości, barier i wyzwań, formalnych i praktycznych, zwłaszcza natury systemowej, w zakresie partycypacji wyborczej imigrantów w Polsce, zarówno tych, którym takie prawa już przysługują, jak i tych, którzy prawa te mogliby uzyskać.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Winckler ◽  
F Zioni ◽  
G Johson

Abstract Background This study aims to analyse the social representations of health needs in a Brazilian municipality, questioning the capacity that public policies developed and implemented by the Brazilian Health System (SUS) had to meet these needs. Methods Qualitative case study in which the data were analysed by: 1) the Health Needs Taxonomy (Matsumoto, 1999), as an instrument for assessing health needs, formatting the interview guide and organizing the empirical data; 2) the Theory of Social Representations (Jovchelovitch, 2000), to capture health needs; 3) Content Analysis (Bardin, 2004), as an instrument of analysis and comparison of perceived needs. The methodological path used was the same in the two moments in which this research is based (2009 and 2016). The entire municipal territory was analyzed and 26 representatives of civil society organizations were interviewed. Results Based on the results given, we state that health is a permanent and timeless need, but the mediations for its satisfaction have changed historically. The interface between quantitative indicators and subjectivity in assessing needs reveals the authoritarian architecture of its decision-making process, which has ruined the necessary democracy for prioritising and meeting those needs. The asymmetrical relationships present in the Brazilian society have both undermined the collective character of health needs and promoted the distance between who care and who are cared for. Most of the priorities listed by the interviewees in 2009 remain composing the social context of the municipality in 2016. Conclusions The challenges for comprehensive health care remain critical given both the decrease in popular political participation and in institutional spaces, which leads to the annulment of the right to a universal health. Interdisciplinary and participatory diagnostics remain essential to understand the complexity of social changes and the challenges for the consolidation of meeting health needs. Key messages The capacity that public policies developed and implemented by the Brazilian Health System (SUS) had to meet these needs. The challenges for meeting health needs remain critical given both the decrease in political participation and in institutional spaces, which leads to the annulment of the right to a universal health.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Vicenta Tasa Fuster

Resumen:Este trabajo pretende dar una visión general del reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española que se deriva de la Constitución. Nos referimos exclusivamente a las lenguas autóctonas históricamente habladas en España; teniendo en cuenta, además, que una misma lengua puede recibir diversas denominaciones populares y oficiales.Partiendo de estas premisas, el trabajo estudia el reconocimiento que hace la Constitución Española de la diversidad lingüística en España en su artículo 3. Se subraya en el estudio que, en dicho artículo de la Constitución se establece que el castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado y que todos los españoles tienen el deber de conocerla y el derecho a usarla (art. 3.1), que las otras lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas comunidades autónomas, en función de la regulación que hagan sus estatutos (art. 3.2) y que España considera que la riqueza de las diferentes modalidades lingüísticas esun patrimonio cultural que deberá tener un respeto y una protección especiales (art. 3.3).El contenido de la Constitución, la jurisprudencia constitucional de las últimas cuatro décadas y los estatutos de autonomía y legislación lingüística autonómica, han asentado un reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española y de los derechos lingüísticos concretos de los hablantes de las distintas lenguas españolas fundamentado en el principio de jerarquía lingüística y no en los de seguridad lingüística e igualdad de derechos lingüísticos. El principio de jerarquía lingüística presupone considerar que existen unas lenguas que deben tener un reconocimiento legal y oficial superior a otras. Y, lo que es lo mismo, que los derechos lingüísticos de sus hablantes no tienen el mismo grado de reconocimiento. Llegándose a dar el caso que, en España, una misma lengua pueda llegar a tener diferentes niveles de reconocimiento legal-oficial y un número aún mayor de políticas lingüísticas que traten de convertir en una realidad substantiva todos o una parte de los derechos lingüísticos reconocidos formalmente a los hablantes de una lengua diferente del castellano en una comunidad autónoma.Así las cosas, se constata que legalmente una lengua (castellano) tiene una situación de preeminencia legal-oficial, seis lenguas españolas (catalán, gallego, vasco, occitano, aragonés y asturleonés) tienen algún tipo de reconocimiento oficial en parte del territorio en el que son habladas de manera autóctona, una lengua tiene reconocimiento político (tamazight), otra tiene un reconocimiento administrativo menor en Cataluña (caló), y tres lenguas autóctonas no tienen el más mínimo reconocimiento legal, político o administrativo (árabe, haquetia yportugués). El trabajo estudia detalladamente y de manera global la estructuración de la jerarquía lingüística en la legislación española derivadade la Constitución y concluye con una descripción de los seis niveles de jerarquía lingüística y de derechos lingüísticos que existen en España. Se defiende, finalmente, un cambio sistema lingüístico legalconstitucional que respete los principios de seguridad lingüística y el principio de igualdad de derechos lingüísticos de todos los ciudadanos españoles. Summary:1. Introduction. The Constitution and the Spanish languages. 2.Language in the statutes of monolingual communities. 3. Linguisticdiversity in multilingual communities with a single official language.4. Communities with co-officiality. 5. Final considerations: a hierarchicalrecognition. 6. Bibliography cited. Abstract:This paper is an overview of the recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity derived from the Constitution. We refer exclusively to the native languages historically spoken in Spain; about that is important to know that the same language can receive diverse popular and official denominations.With these premises, the work studies the recognition in the article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of the linguistic diversity in Spain. It is emphasized in the study that this article establishes that the Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State and that all Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it (article 3.1), that the other Spanish languages would be official in the respective autonomous communities, depending on the regulation made by their statutes of autonomy (article 3.2 ), and that Spain considers the richness of the different linguistic modalities a cultural heritage that must have special respect and protection (article 3.3).The content of the Constitution, the constitutional jurisprudence of the last four decades and the statutes of autonomy and autonomous linguistic legislation, have established a recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity and of the specific linguistic rights of the speakers of the different Spanish languages based on the principle of linguistic hierarchy and not in those of linguistic security and equality of linguistic rights. The principle of linguistic hierarchy considers that there are some languages that have to have a legal and official recognitionsuperior to others. And, what is the same, that the linguistic rights of its speakers do not have the same degree of recognition. In Spain, the same language may have different levels of legal-official recognition and a lot of linguistic policies in the autonomous communities that try to be reality all or part of the linguistic rights formally recognized to speakers of a language other than Castilian. So it is verified that legally a language (Castilian) has a situation oflegal-official preeminence, six Spanish languages (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Occitan, Aragonese and Asturian) have some type of official recognition in part of the territory where are spoken, one language has political recognition (Tamazight), another has a lower administrative recognition in Catalonia (Caló), and three indigenous languages do not have the least legal, political or administrative recognition (Arabic, Hachetia and Portuguese).The paper studies in detail the structure of the linguistic hierarchy in Spanish legislation derived from the Constitution and concludes with a description of the six levels of linguistic hierarchy and of linguistic rights that exist in Spain. Finally, it defends a legal-constitutional linguistic system that respects the principles of linguistic security and of equality of linguistic rights of all Spanish citizens.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Thorson ◽  
Scott Swafford ◽  
Eunjin (Anna) Kim

This study reports a survey of media use, political knowledge, and participation in local elections by people in three small Midwest communities. This study showed that newspaper political news exposure strongly predicted political participation, perceived importance of local municipal elections, and self-reported voting. It did not, however, predict knowledge about local government structure.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabienne Peter

In recent developments in political and legal philosophy, there is a tendency to endorse minimalist lists of human rights that do not include a right to political participation. Against such tendencies, I shall argue that the right to political participation, understood as distinct from a right to democracy, should have a place even on minimalist lists. In addition, I shall defend the need to extend the right to political participation to include participation not just in national, but also in international and global governance processes. The argument will be based on a cosmopolitan conception of political legitimacy and on a political conception of human rights that is normatively anchored in legitimacy. The central claim of my paper is that a right to political participation is necessary – but not sufficient – for political legitimacy in the global realm.


ICCD ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 591-594
Author(s):  
T Herry Rachmatsyah ◽  
Paiman Rahardjo ◽  
Franky Franky ◽  
Rahayu Rahayu

Many micro and small business owners do not carry out accounting properly because they do not have a good understanding of basic accounting principles. Poor accounting causes the owners do not know the health of their businesses and cannot make the right decisions to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of their businesses. To help micro and small business owners improve their knowledge of accounting, Postgraduate Program, Universitas Prof. University Dr. Moestopo organized community engagement activities in the form of training in basic accounting principles. The training participants consisted of 28 micro and small business owners who were domiciled or residing in the Larangan Indah Subdistrict. The training was conducted using lecture or classroom methods. To evaluate training, the Kirkpatrick’s Model is used with evaluations carried out in the reaction and learning areas. Based on the results of evaluating the reaction using the satisfaction questionnaire, it is known that the participants showed positive reactions while based on the results of the evaluation of learning using a comparison between pre-test and post-test scores it is known that the participants experienced an increase in knowledge. The aspects that will be improved in the next training are audiovisual aids, facilities, and schedule.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Luicy Pedroza

In comparison to other countries in the Latin American region, especially in Central America, support for democracy in Costa Rica is high –despite ups and downs in recent years. Still, regarding the challenges that immigration poses for the principles of democratic inclusion and representation, Costa Rica lag behind 11 countries in Latin America –and 35 democracies in the world– where immigrant residents have the right to vote in local elections. In Chile and Uruguay, the only countries in the region where support for democracy tops that observed in Costa Rica, the right to vote of immigrant residents even reaches national elections. With such a comparative background, this article addresses the question: how to explain that this democracy ignores the tendency to give the right to vote to resident migrants? The study reveals a society in which the narrative of exceptionality with respect to other countries of the continent and the formal primacy of nationality to political citizenship, allow tolerating a clear inequality between the political rights of emigrants and immigrants.


2016 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veki Edizon Tuhana ◽  
Pawito , ◽  
Mahendra Wijaya ,

Abstract The process of local elections is the right of every citizen to choose their leaders directly correspond running from an independent path to meet certain requirements. Concurrent local elections 2015 in Indonesia, which is in North Central Timor with a single candidate pair. Couples candidate election time carried out. This article is the result of research exploring: 1) analyzing the relationship between political communicator (single candidate pair) to the effects (voting behavior of society); 2) analyzing the relationship between the political message to the effect (voting behavior of society); 3) analyzing the relationship between media and interpersonal channels of the effect (voting behavior of society); 4) effects (voting behavior of society); As for the type of research is quantitative research with survey method.The study population was the whole community voters in District Kefamenanu City. The conclusions ofthe research and discussion is no relationship between political communicator with effect (voting behavior of society), there is a relationship between a political message to the effect, there is a relationship between are not have a relationship with the effects. Keywords: Political communication, single candidate pair, the public voting behavior Abstrak Proses Pemilihan Kepala Daerah merupakan hak bagi setiap warga negara untuk memilih langsung pemimpinnya sesuai keyakinan dan penilaiannya terhadap calon yang diusulkan oleh masing-masing partai atau gabungan partai, atau yang mencalonkan diri dari jalur independen dengan memenuhi syarat tertentu. Pilkada serentak Tahun 2015 di Indonesia, salah satunya di Provinsi NTT, yaitu di Kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara (TTU) dengan pasangan calon tunggal. Proses pilkada pasangan calon tunggal merupakan hal yang menarik karena sepanjang sejarah demokrasi dan sistem politik Indonesia baru pertama kali dilakukan. Artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian yang mengeksplorasi: 1) Menganalisis hubungan komunikator politik (pasangan calon tunggal) terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat);2) Menganalisis hubungan pesan politik terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); 3) Menganalisis hubungan media dan saluran interpersonal terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); 4) Menganalisis hubungan model pendekatan sosiologis (agama yang dianut dan jenis pekerjaan) terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); adapun jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan metode survei. Populasi penelitian adalah seluruh masyarakat pemilih di Kecamatan Kota Kefamenanu. Adapun kesimpulan dari hasil penelitian dan pembahasan adalah ada hubungan antara komunikator politik dengan efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat), ada hubungan antara pesan politik dengan efek, ada hubungan antara media dan saluran dengan efek, model pendekatan sosiologis (agama yang dianut dan jenis pekerjaan) tidak mempunyai hubungan dengan efek. Kata kunci: Komunikasi politik, pasangan calon tunggal, perilaku memilih masyarakat


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-82
Author(s):  
Jorge Castellanos Claramunt ◽  
María Dolores Montero Caro

Artificial Intelligence has an undeniable effect on today’s society, so its study regarding its legal effects becomes necessary. And consequently, how fundamental rights are affected is of particular importance. Hence, the present paper studies the influence of algorithms in determining judicial decisions, especially from the point of view of how this issue would affect the right to effective judicial protection, recognized as a fundamental right in article 24 of the Spanish Constitution.


Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Muhammad Saud ◽  
Rachmah Ida ◽  
Ansar Abbas ◽  
Asia Ashfaq ◽  
Araz Ramazan Ahmad

Digitalization in the modern era has provided opportunities for the youths to participate in this information and social spheres. The concentrated use of social media has contributed to the astonishing factor among the voters where social media has changed the preferences of youths toward the right to vote. The research aims to investigate the contributions and preferences of youths toward political participation in the contemporary discussion in Indonesia. This research was quantitative research using a purposive random sampling technique to give equal opportunity to each respondent. The mode of data collection was an online survey. The majority of the respondents in this research were the student of the universities. Data were collected in April 2019 to examine the interest of youths in general elections in Indonesia. This research found that social media and Social Networking Sites (SNSs) have provided a unique platform to discuss political matters and ‘take apart’ in political discussions. Existing in-depth researches on this phenomenon show that political awareness among youths in Indonesia is an essential part and social media is the leading indicator. This research suggested some recommendations for to usage of social media for the socialization of youths.


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